Jasmijn Rana voerde in opdracht van Forum onderzoek uit naar kickboksende Marokkaans-Nederlandse meisjes. Onlangs verscheen bij Boom Lemma Uitgevers ‘Chicks, Kicks & Glory. De betekenis van kickboksen voor Marokkaans-Nederlandse meisjes’. In dit blog geeft ze een impressie van dat onderzoek.
It is important I think to see how Breilvik’s ideas (but not his actions) not only are derived from bloggers and politicians but also who they resonate with and are grounded on a grassroots everyday level. I also think the Netherlands can give some clues to that and is relevant here since Breivik partly derived his inspiration from Wilders’ Freedom Party ideology. In this blog therefore I will present some material of the Dutch section of the Ethnobarometer research in which we held focus group discussions on issues of security and culture after 9/11, the murder of Van Gogh and the French riots and Muhammad Cartoons. It shows how people struggle with tolerance on the one hand (seen as an important part of Dutch identity) and fear of Islamization and Muslims on the other hand expressed by different modalities of culture talk. While in the case of Bawer, Breilvik and Wilders the presence of Islam and Muslims are seen as the cause of conflict and by definition leading to conflicts, the Ethnobarometer research also revealed mechanisms that can de-escalate conflicts.
Fractie-medewerker van de PVV Sam van Rooij plaatste de volgende video onder de kop ‘Scheveningen anno 2011: kiemen van achterlijkheid’ op YouTube. Hij zette het filmpje eveneens op zijn Facebookpagina en noemde dames daar ‘tuig’. Er is al veel over te zeggen, maar hier twee zaken. Komen de dames eigenlijk wel uit Nederland? En, waarom valt Van Rooy de dames lastig als hij ze eigenlijk toch wil bevrijden? Het antwoord zit ‘m in de morele ambities van de PVV. Deze zijn zo sterk dat ze de veiligheid van gesluierde vrouwen kunnen bedreigen.
Een rechtszaak als die tegen Wilders is te zien als een soort van ritueel; verschillende spelers nemen deel aan een juridische dans die een bepaalde gestandardiseerde vorm kent met voortdurende herhalingen en die een soort integratieve functie heeft. Complexe conflicten worden geritualiseerd: in een rechtszaak tot een oplossing gebracht waar alle partijen zich bij neer dienen te leggen. Het proces was niet noodzakelijkerwijze een slecht idee en kent wel degelijk positieve integratieve kanten. Niettemin kunnen we ons afvragen of strafrecht wel de beste bescherming is van minderheden tegen haatspraak van meerderheden. Kunnen we ons niet beter toeleggen op het verbeteren van de politieke participatie van minderheden?
A weekly round up of writings on the Internet, some relevant for my research, some political, some funny but all of them interesting (Dutch/English). (As usual to a large extent based upon suggestions from Dutch, other European, American and Middle Eastern readers. Thank you all.) This week featuring the Wilders trial, freedom of speech and beyond.
In this entry I give an overview of the events of the trial against extremist anti-islam nativist Geert Wilders. A court case can be seen as a ritual that can offer a temporary solution to a complex and difficult political situation and that should transform a tense situation (as was clearly the case with Fitna) to a more balanced situation. It seems however that the whole trial did not lead to balance and social integration of conflictual standpoints, but to dissensus. A dissensus ritual does not (at least not immediately) lead to social integration but to a focus of the public on the existence of social crises and the escalation of such crisis. The distinction however is not that strong. By relegating the conflict between Wilders’ PVV and its supporters on the one hand and Muslims and anti-racism organisations on the other hand, and the state supposedly somewhere in the middle, decreases the conflictual aspects. It confirms that the natural order of how conflicts should be solved in this country is either by trial or by political debate. As such it establishes and reinforces a hierarchical order of how people should respond to the world. But dit it work?
Het tijdschrift Theologisch Debat doet haar naam eer aan en heeft een debatsectie; ditmaal over interreligieuze dialoog. De opening wordt verzorgd door kersverse hoogleraar interreligieuze dialoog Marcel Poorthuis. Andere artikelen zijn van Gé Speelman (Een integere en respectvolle dialoog – Opmerkingen bij de Islamnota van de PKN), Bernhard Reitsma (Wat er achter de dialoog schuil gaat) en van uw blogger en antropoloog: Dialoog en Geloof in Actie.
Iedereen is tegen discriminatie. Toch? De situatie blijkt iets complexer. Over al dan niet vermeende discriminatie van moslims en joden, activisme en het leven van alledag.
A few weeks ago the Dutch blog and twitter community saw a (small) explosion of messages about the headscarf. What happened? A young Tunisian-Dutch lady with the pseudonym Dunya Henya expressed her feelings and experiences about people who call her names and show other types of offensive behaviour because she wears a headscarf. It appears that both women who veil and unveil are trapped in a politicized idea of the headscarf that not only has consequences in political debates and policies, but also on the streets. This politicization makes real debates with Muslims and among Muslims almost impossible because the different points of view are reduced to simple us and them categorizations. And indeed, at one point someone really has to say: I draw a line, thus far and no further!
The time that researchers could pretend to work in an academic bubble is definitively over, if it ever existed. Research plays a role in political processes and they are always part of specific power configuration. This is particularly clear in case of the research on Islam and Muslims in Europe. Doing research in the post 9/11 political climate about issues such as the place of Islam in European societies is caught up in a complex political and social web of opposing requirements and assumptions. In this article Thijl Sunier reflects upon his research on the Turkish Diyanet and its relation with the Netherlands understood against the background of fundamental changes in Turkish society.
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