C L O S E R

Jihad debate: the Dutch fighter and the British aid worker

Posted on July 2nd, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Activism, International Terrorism, Religious and Political Radicalization, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

This is really fascinating and important stuff. A debate between Dutch foreign fighter in Syria, Yilmaz, and British aid worker in Syria Tauqir Sharif at Channel 4.

Tauqir Sharif, a 27-year-old originally from Nottingham, is an aid worker and activist – but not a fighter. He drives an ambulance in Aleppo and has set up an orphanage with his wife.

He told Channel 4 News: “I’m a grown man at the end of the day. Many of the people who came here are grown men. We came here to help people who are oppressed. To try and say that people are coming here and instead of helping oppressed people are going to start killing them – it’s a lot of scaremongering to be honest.

“To be honest, I feel this rhetoric needs to be changed. Even when you guys introduced me, you said he’s in jihadi-controlled areas. There’s the Free Syrian Army here. There’s so many various different groups and if we’re going to turn around and say everyone’s being radicalised…”

Yilmaz stated:
“The goal at the moment for me and for many of the fighters and groups that are around me, is still always getting rid of this tyrant al Assad, first and foremost.

“As soon as he’s gone we can establish Islamic courts and bring those who’ve committed any kinds of war crimes to justice. So the most important thing for me and the fighters in this region is to overthrow Assad.”
‘Lone wolf’

When asked if he was considering joining up with Isis fighters who have declared an Islamic caliphate “from Aleppo to Diyala” he said: “Basically, for me as a trainer, as a lone wolf, I need to investigate this whole Isis situation.

Watch it here:

Read all about it at Channel4 (the text above is taken from their page).

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Martyrdom Operations As Meaningful Violence

Posted on June 29th, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Activism, Headline, International Terrorism, Religious and Political Radicalization, Research International, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Guest Author: Pieter Nanninga

From Bali to Bagdad and from Nairobi to New York: jihadis have carried out hundreds of suicide attacks over the last one and a half decade. Young people from dozens of countries, including the Netherlands according to the AIVD, have sought martyrdom by blowing themselves up, killing thousands of people on their way.

The common perception is that it must psychopaths or chanceless dropouts who commit these acts. Sane persons would not do such a thing, so they must be mentally disturbed, brainwashed by manipulative organisations or tired of earthly life and attracted by the pleasures of Paradise. However, scholars have convincingly refuted these ideas over the last one and a half decade. Most suicide bombers are not psychopaths. They are not poor, uneducated or unemployed as compared to their surrounding societies, and their motivations cannot be compared to ordinary suicides. The label “suicide attacks” is highly misleading: the actions are not merely a spectacular way to escape life. Instead, jihadi supporters of the practice label them as “martyrdom operations” (amaliyyat istishhadiyya) – the insiders’ term I will use for the purpose of this article. But why, then, do these rather ordinary people commit these acts? What do martyrdom operations mean to them?

In this post, I will explore the meanings of martyrdom operations for the perpetrators themselves. I will focus on the martyrdom operations carried out by al-Qaeda, by which I mean the al-Qaeda of Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri, often dubbed “al-Qaeda Central”. More precisely, I will focus on the meanings that are given to al-Qaeda’s attacks in the martyrdom videos of its media group al-Sahab (“The Clouds”). These videos, the first of which was released in 2001, have been among the most extensive and professional media releases of jihadis until today. They typically include a martyr’s farewell message, his biography, statements by al-Qaeda leaders, Qur’an recitations, anasheed and scenes in which voice-overs comment on the state of the umma and the importance of jihad and martyrdom. These elements are sophisticatedly edited together, resulting in lengthy, documentary-like productions about al-Qaeda’s martyrdom operations.

These sources shed light on the meanings of al-Qaeda’s violence for the perpetrators and their sympathisers. They show that martyrdom operations are not senseless acts of terror. Instead, I argue, they can be better understood as meaningful social practices, as actions that are meaningful and therefore reasonable for the actors involved. Let me be clear, I do not justify, let alone condone, these actions. Yet I believe that, in addition to studying the profiles of the perpetrators, insights into the meanings of martyrdom operations for the actors involved is crucial to understand the phenomenon.

The state of the umma

The picture that emerges from al-Sahab’s videos is that there is a global conflict going on between the worldwide community of Muslims (umma) and an alliance of enemies including “crusaders and Jews”, “apostate” regimes in the Muslim world and supposed heretics such as Shia Muslims. In the eyes of jihadis, these enemies have been able to gain the upper hand in the struggle because Muslims have neglected God’s commands. They have become too attached to their earthly lives to fulfil the duty of jihad and make sacrifices for their brothers and sisters. As a result, the umma has become weak. Islam is disgraced, Muslims are oppressed and humiliated and their lands are defiled by infidel forces.

Whereas most Muslims have turned their backs to their suffering brothers and sisters in Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine, Syria and elsewhere, jihadis see themselves as the ones standing up for the umma. They recurrently indicate in al-Sahab’s videos that, at one point in their lives, they became touched by the fate of their fellow believers and decided to take action. In contrast to others, they were prepared to abandon their luxurious lives, revive the obligation of jihad and devote themselves to the struggle for the sake of the umma. In their view, martyrdom is the ultimate expression of their struggles and sacrifices. As such, it provides the solution for today’s problems. Once, the umma embraces the message of jihad through martyrdom, victory will be achieved, they believe.

Introduction of al-Sahab’s film Jihad wa-istishhad (Jihad and martyrdom) from 2008 about Abu al-Hasan who carried out a martyrdom operation in Afghanistan.

Why is martyrdom considered so important in this respect? To answer this question, I will provide three clusters of meanings that are given to martyrdom operations in al-Sahab’s videos: raids in the way of God; honour and dignity; and sacrifice and purity.

Raids in the way of God

According to jihadis, the solution to today’s problems is returning to the “pure Islam” of the righteous predecessors (al-salaf al-salih): the first three generations of Muslims that should be followed as closely as possible in all spheres of life. Just as Muhammad and his companions had done when they left Mecca for Medina in 622, Muslims should not resign themselves to oppression, jihadis claim. They should migrate to places where they can prepare for battle, practice ribat (guarding the borders of the Muslim lands) and wage jihad after the example of the Prophet. Then, they too, will return victoriously in the end, just as Muhammad did by conquering Mecca some eight years after he had left.

Martyrdom operations are perceived along the same lines, as becomes apparent from al-Sahab’s releases. After the example of the salaf, martyrdom seekers do not “cling heavily to the earth” (Q. 9:38), but renounce earthly life while longing for the hereafter. They desire martyrdom just as Muhammad had done, as is described in a frequently quoted hadith in which he says that he wished to be martyred and then made alive again, so that he could be martyred once more. Hence, despite the controversial character of martyrdom operations in the Muslim world, the actions are perceived as a continuation of the practices of the Prophet. They are designated as “raids” (ghazawat, sg. ghazwa), just like the raids of the Muhammad and his companions, and can be understood as re-enactments of the battles of the salaf. When Muslims will awake from their slumber and follow the example of the Prophet like jihadis do, victory will be achieved, they believe. Jihad through martyrdom will bring about triumph, just as it has done in the first century after the hijra.

Honour and dignity

It is not just by appropriating and reinterpreting early-Islamic traditions that the meanings of martyrdom operations are shaped. Another theme central to the discourse of the martyrs and their supporters is honour and dignity. They are far from exceptional in this case. Research on violence has shown that feelings of humiliation and shame (i.e. the violation of honour) have often fuelled violence. These feelings can be caused by direct personal insult, but also by the (perceived) dishonouring of the group or community the individual identifies him- or herself with, such as the family or the religious community (i.e. “humiliation by proxy”). In these instances, violence can be experienced as redeeming the honour of the insulted individual or community.

As noted above, the protagonists of al-Sahab’s videos perceive the umma as weak and humiliated. They appear to be personally affected by the suffering of their brothers and sisters and indicate that they see themselves as the ones standing up for the umma. In his farewell message, one of the 9/11 bombers points at the suffering of the Palestinians and Iraqis, the “American rule in the Land of the Two Holy Places” (Saudi Arabia) and the atrocities committed against Muslims in Chechnya and Kashmir. He continues: “I take no pleasure in a life of humiliation, and my heart has demanded from me that I live honourably (‘aziza) in compliance with my Lord’s religion.” Therefore, he states, he left his family “to avenge my brothers blood” and “to die with honour.” Along these lines, martyrdom operations are regularly associated with terms such as ‘izza (“honour”, “power”) and karama (“dignity”, “honour”, “respect”). The attacks are seen as honourable as they express that jihadists do not acquiesce in the humiliating situation of the umma, but are willing to make sacrifices to revenge its disgrace. The martyrdom operations humiliate the enemy just as the enemy has humiliated the Muslim community, and therefore they redeem the honour of the umma. They “bring an end to the age of cowardice and weakness” and “restore the dignity of the umma”, the perpetrators believe.

Sacrifice and purity

A third cluster of terms frequently associated with martyrdom operations is sacrifice and purity. These terms too, are often connected to religiously motivated violence. As several scholars have noted, fundamentalist movements usually uphold strong boundaries between “good” and “evil”, between the own group and the “polluted” outside world. This typically implies the view that the purity of the own group should be safeguarded. The impure should be avoided and, once it has penetrated the group, removed. Such a desire for purification can result in violence to eradicate the source of pollution. More precisely, it often results in sacrificial violence. Ritualised bloodshed is experienced as removing pollution and cleansing the community from defilement, thus restoring the boundaries between “good” and “evil”.

These insights can also be applied to al-Qaeda’s martyrdom operations. The umma is perceived as defiled. The “crusader forces” roaming the Muslim world have desecrated the lands of Islam, which are in need of purification. The ritualised self-sacrifice of the bombers accomplishes this. According to early-Islamic traditions, those who are martyred in the way of God are inherently pure. Their blood symbolised this status, which is why the bodies of martyrs, in contrast to those of other deceased, should not be ritually cleansed. Along these lines, martyrdom seekers too, become emblems of purity through their actions, their supporters believe. Yet it is not just the men themselves who are considered pure from their moment of their death, they also purify their surroundings: the umma and the lands of Islam. For instance, about an attack in Saudi Arabia is said that the blood of the martyrs “purifies the Land of the Two Holy Sanctuaries from the defilement of the crusader and Zionist occupation.” Hence, the sacrificial blood of the martyrs cleanses the community and restores the umma’s purity by washing away the pollution caused by the “infidels” and “apostates”.

The meanings of martyrdom

The meanings given to martyrdom operations vary in each context. The videos of al-Sahab therefore not represent the meanings of martyrdom operations for jihadis. Yet the themes we have encountered in al-Sahab’s videos also frequently appear in other sources. Terms such as honour, dignity and sacrifice also often return in blogs, posts and videos in which fighters in Syria and Iraq celebrate the martyrdom of their comrades. The above discussed meanings given to martyrdom therefore also tell us something about other cases.

They learn us that, for the perpetrators, martyrdom operations are not in the first place a means towards victory on the battlefield. Rather, they are considered crucial as they embody victory in terms of honour, dignity and purity. In addition, they learn us that the message of jihad through martyrdom as expressed in al-Sahab’s videos can be attractive for young people who have become touched by the fate of their brothers and sisters. The message offers them a framework to make sense of the world around them and to cope with feelings of humiliation and shame. It provides them with a sense of agency, a way to assist their fellow believers and to contribute to the restoration the glory of the umma. And it offers them empowerment, a crucial role as the defenders of the umma who redeem its honour, restore its dignity and purify its lands in the footsteps of the Prophet.

Therefore, martyrdom operations should not be seen as “senseless violence” performed by dropouts who are brainwashed by a barbaric, medieval ideology. They can better be seen as meaningful social practices for the actors involved. Searching for martyrdom in Syria, Iraq and other arenas of jihad can be an attractive and thoroughly modern way for young people to give meaning to their lives and deaths.

Pieter Nanninga carried out his PhD research at the Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies at the University of Groningen, the Netherlands. Since 2011, he is attached to the Department of Middle Eastern Studies at the same university, where he will occupy a position as Assistant Professor from August 2014. He teaches on politics, culture and religion in de modern Middle East and conducts research on jihadism, violence and media. Pieter Nanninga defended his PhD: Jihadism and Suicide Attacks: al-Qaeda, al-Sahab and the Meanings of Martyrdom. This post is based upon his research.

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Islamophobia & Media – Linda Sarsour vs. Brigitte Gabriel

Posted on June 23rd, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Activism, International Terrorism, Panoptic Surveillance, Religious and Political Radicalization, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

The US Heritage Foundation has organized a series of gatherings to draw attention to the Benghazi controversy. A week or so ago this however this turned into taunting of a Muslim woman with a headscarf. According to the Washington Post:

Heritage’s ugly Benghazi panel – The Washington Post

The session, as usual, quickly moved beyond the specifics of the assaults that left four Americans dead to accusations about the Muslim Brotherhood infiltrating the Obama administration, President Obama funding jihadists in their quest to destroy the United States, Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton attempting to impose Sharia blasphemy laws on Americans and Al Jazeera America being an organ of “enemy propaganda.”

Then Saba Ahmed, an American University law student, stood in the back of the room and asked a question in a soft voice. “We portray Islam and all Muslims as bad, but there’s 1.8 billion followers of Islam,” she told them. “We have 8 million-plus Muslim Americans in this country and I don’t see them represented here.”

Panelist Brigitte Gabriel founder of a group called ACT! for America pounced. She said “180 million to 300 million” Muslims are “dedicated to the destruction of Western civilization.” She told Ahmed that the “peaceful majority were irrelevant” in the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and she drew a Hitler comparison: “Most Germans were peaceful, yet the Nazis drove the agenda and as a result, 60 million died.”

“Are you an American?” Gabriel demanded of Ahmed, after accusing her of taking “the limelight” and before informing her that her “political correctness” belongs “in the garbage.”

“Where are the others speaking out?” Ahmed was asked. This drew an extended standing ovation from the nearly 150 people in the room, complete with cheers.

The panel’s moderator, conservative radio host Chris Plante, grinned and joined in the assault. “Can you tell me who the head of the Muslim peace movement is?” he demanded of Ahmed.

“Yeah,” audience members taunted, “yeah.”

Ahmed answered quietly, as before. “I guess it’s me right now,” she said.

[…]
But it was Gabriel, a Lebanese Christian by birth, who was most vitriolic when Ahmed asked her question. Gabriel dismissed as “irrelevant” the “2.3 million Arab Muslims living in the United States [when] it took 19 hijackers — 19 radicals — to bring America down.” She mocked Ahmed’s “point about peaceful, moderate Muslims” by making quotation marks with her fingers when she said the word peaceful.The young woman responded calmly to the taunts of the panelists and the crowd. “As a peaceful American Muslim,” she told them, “I would like to think I’m not that irrelevant.”

The controversy continued on a talkshow of Sean Hannity. Hannity repeatedly pressed Ahmed to specifically condemn the laws that oppress women and gay people with punishment. Brigitte Gabriel was on Hannity too and accused Ahmed of distracting the panel with an irrelevant question. Ahmed talked about herself and how no one’s forcing her to wear her head scarf, but Hannity confronted her about women elsewhere being forced to do so.

The debate continued on CNN’s Reliable sources where Linda Sarsour (national advocacy director of national network of Arab-American communites) challenged Brigitte Gabriel’s bigotry in an item that also focussed on the role of the media in producing and reproducing Islamophobia. In this tv program we see, again, the distinction between moderate (or liberal) and radical Islam/Muslims and the question where are the moderate Muslims is asked again. We have seen this in the Netherlands as well as I have explained earlier.

This is always a dangerous thing as it enhances the us vs. them rhetoric and turns Muslims into terrorists by association or lack of visible disassociation. For the pro radical activists these calls are again a sign of the hypocrisy of democrats as they accuse them of never having condemned violence against Muslims by regimes that are supported by the West.

The calls for public disassociation are part of what I have called the regime of surveillance whereby Muslims are encouraged to enact the accepted and expected models of the Dutch secular liberal citizen. Taken together we can regard the public debates on Islam, the policies regarding Muslims, integration and security politics (often leading to more debate and policies) as a surveillance of the everyday lives of Muslims. The debates about (radical) Islam and the counter-radicalization policies have influenced Muslims’ lives severely. In the Netherlands, several studies have explored how particular debates on Islam trickle down into the daily lives of people in a variety of ways ranging from people’s experiences in schools, workplaces and, of course, their media-consumption at different levels in society. This begs the question if we need to take security measures in order to prevent terrorism whose security are we talking about?

As Sarsour also points out, there have been numerous people condemning the recent atrocities; the question therefore is not where are they but why are they not listened to? The example of Ahmed above shows why: because they are distrusted. As soon as people who condemn the violence speak out they are interrogated if they condemn this and that, and in the case of women with headscarves their headscarf is challenged as a sign of radicalism. Therefore calls for moderate Islam/Muslims are not to be seen as a desperate attempt to hear a moderate voice but to actually silence those voices.

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Islamophobia & Media – Linda Sarsour vs. Brigitte Gabriel

Posted on June 23rd, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Activism, International Terrorism, Panoptic Surveillance, Religious and Political Radicalization, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

The US Heritage Foundation has organized a series of gatherings to draw attention to the Benghazi controversy. A week or so ago this however this turned into taunting of a Muslim woman with a headscarf. According to the Washington Post:

Heritage’s ugly Benghazi panel – The Washington Post

The session, as usual, quickly moved beyond the specifics of the assaults that left four Americans dead to accusations about the Muslim Brotherhood infiltrating the Obama administration, President Obama funding jihadists in their quest to destroy the United States, Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton attempting to impose Sharia blasphemy laws on Americans and Al Jazeera America being an organ of “enemy propaganda.”

Then Saba Ahmed, an American University law student, stood in the back of the room and asked a question in a soft voice. “We portray Islam and all Muslims as bad, but there’s 1.8 billion followers of Islam,” she told them. “We have 8 million-plus Muslim Americans in this country and I don’t see them represented here.”

Panelist Brigitte Gabriel founder of a group called ACT! for America pounced. She said “180 million to 300 million” Muslims are “dedicated to the destruction of Western civilization.” She told Ahmed that the “peaceful majority were irrelevant” in the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and she drew a Hitler comparison: “Most Germans were peaceful, yet the Nazis drove the agenda and as a result, 60 million died.”

“Are you an American?” Gabriel demanded of Ahmed, after accusing her of taking “the limelight” and before informing her that her “political correctness” belongs “in the garbage.”

“Where are the others speaking out?” Ahmed was asked. This drew an extended standing ovation from the nearly 150 people in the room, complete with cheers.

The panel’s moderator, conservative radio host Chris Plante, grinned and joined in the assault. “Can you tell me who the head of the Muslim peace movement is?” he demanded of Ahmed.

“Yeah,” audience members taunted, “yeah.”

Ahmed answered quietly, as before. “I guess it’s me right now,” she said.

[…]
But it was Gabriel, a Lebanese Christian by birth, who was most vitriolic when Ahmed asked her question. Gabriel dismissed as “irrelevant” the “2.3 million Arab Muslims living in the United States [when] it took 19 hijackers — 19 radicals — to bring America down.” She mocked Ahmed’s “point about peaceful, moderate Muslims” by making quotation marks with her fingers when she said the word peaceful.The young woman responded calmly to the taunts of the panelists and the crowd. “As a peaceful American Muslim,” she told them, “I would like to think I’m not that irrelevant.”

The controversy continued on a talkshow of Sean Hannity. Hannity repeatedly pressed Ahmed to specifically condemn the laws that oppress women and gay people with punishment. Brigitte Gabriel was on Hannity too and accused Ahmed of distracting the panel with an irrelevant question. Ahmed talked about herself and how no one’s forcing her to wear her head scarf, but Hannity confronted her about women elsewhere being forced to do so.

The debate continued on CNN’s Reliable sources where Linda Sarsour (national advocacy director of national network of Arab-American communites) challenged Brigitte Gabriel’s bigotry in an item that also focussed on the role of the media in producing and reproducing Islamophobia. In this tv program we see, again, the distinction between moderate (or liberal) and radical Islam/Muslims and the question where are the moderate Muslims is asked again. We have seen this in the Netherlands as well as I have explained earlier.

This is always a dangerous thing as it enhances the us vs. them rhetoric and turns Muslims into terrorists by association or lack of visible disassociation. For the pro radical activists these calls are again a sign of the hypocrisy of democrats as they accuse them of never having condemned violence against Muslims by regimes that are supported by the West.

The calls for public disassociation are part of what I have called the regime of surveillance whereby Muslims are encouraged to enact the accepted and expected models of the Dutch secular liberal citizen. Taken together we can regard the public debates on Islam, the policies regarding Muslims, integration and security politics (often leading to more debate and policies) as a surveillance of the everyday lives of Muslims. The debates about (radical) Islam and the counter-radicalization policies have influenced Muslims’ lives severely. In the Netherlands, several studies have explored how particular debates on Islam trickle down into the daily lives of people in a variety of ways ranging from people’s experiences in schools, workplaces and, of course, their media-consumption at different levels in society. This begs the question if we need to take security measures in order to prevent terrorism whose security are we talking about?

As Sarsour also points out, there have been numerous people condemning the recent atrocities; the question therefore is not where are they but why are they not listened to? The example of Ahmed above shows why: because they are distrusted. As soon as people who condemn the violence speak out they are interrogated if they condemn this and that, and in the case of women with headscarves their headscarf is challenged as a sign of radicalism. Therefore calls for moderate Islam/Muslims are not to be seen as a desperate attempt to hear a moderate voice but to actually silence those voices.

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All Eyes on Muslims – The #AllEyesOnMuslims and #No2ISIS campaigns

Posted on June 21st, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Activism, International Terrorism, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Yesterday there was the international support day for Sunni Muslims in Iraq and, basically, a support day for rebels of ISIS. In the days leading up to this event there was a public outcry about the plan of Dutch ISIS supporters to organize a demonstration in The Hague in support for the Sunni Muslims in Iraq. Given the fact that the idea was announced on a Dutch Facebook site supporting the Dutch foreign fighters in Syria it wasn’t very suprising to see it framed immediately as a pro-ISIS demonstration by Dutch weblog Geenstijl and several opinion leaders and politicians.

Note: I have deleted people’s comments in order to protect their privacy.

My translation of the message:

Dear Muslims,

With the major attacks of the Muslims (Ahle Sunnah) in Iraq and the general declaration of war by all Shiites in Iraq, we want to organize a demonstration in order to declare our support to the Muslims in Irak and our disavowal (afkeer) of Shiites and their unjust and illegal government.

Keep Friday afternoon after prayer free!!

More info (poster/flyer) will be shared on Shaam Al-Ghareeba.

Keep following our page, liking and sharing for all your news from Shaam and Iraq.

We do not organize this, we are only a platform

Shaam al-Ghareeba 9

The Christian Democrats (CDA) and orthodox Christians of the ChristenUnie appealed in parliament to forbid this demonstration which according to them would be possible since the UN has officially categorized ISIS as a terrorist organization. According to minister Timmermans however sympathizing with a terrororganisation does not make a person guilty of terrorist activities and people have the right to demonstrate. The mayor of Den Haag, Van Aartsen (allowing or banning a demonstration is a local decision) stated however that he did not say any legal grounds for banning the demonstration in advance. He also stated that there will be strict conditions among others pertaining to unlawful expressions such as calling for violence and strict surveillance by the police. The embassador of Iraq wanted a ban anyway and stated the demonstration was a provocation for Iraqi’s in the Netherlands and Van Aartsen allowing the demonstration was incomprehensible and it will taint the image of the Netherlands abroad. He also feared clashes between protesters and counter-protesters.

The reactions among Muslims were mixed. Some fully supported the demonstration but many Muslims were angry that people were supporting a ‘terrorist’ organizations. Most reactions I saw however were not so outspoken. People supported ISIS fighting against ‘shiite oppression’ of Sunni Muslims but rejected ISIS’ practices mass executions and their interpretation and implementation of a sharia penal system.

On Wednesday the Dutch website De Ware Religie (the true religion), which functions as a spokesperson for Dutch foreign fighters in Syria, announced the demonstration was cancelled. The victory of ISIS in Mosul and its subsequent showcasing of mass executions appears to given rise to a new sense of urgency among policymakers, politicians and opinion makers to do something against the Dutch foreign fighters and their support base in the Netherlands. Several people did join the online campaigns. Here a short overview and in a few cases I have put some additional info below the example.

There have been a few people asking Muslims to speak out against ISIS and to show where their loyalty is. This is always a dangerous thing as it enhances the us vs. them rhetoric and turns Muslims into terrorists by association or lack of visible disassociation. For the pro ISIS activists these calls are again a sign of the hypocrisy of democrats as they themselves never condemned violence against Sunni Muslims by the Iraqi government.

The calls for public disassociation are part of what I have called the regime of surveillance whereby Muslims are encouraged to enact the accepted and expected models of the Dutch secular liberal citizen. Taken together we can regard the public debates on Islam, the policies regarding Muslims, integration and security politics (often leading to more debate and policies) as a surveillance of the everyday lives of Muslims. The debates about (radical) Islam and the counter-radicalization policies have influenced Muslims’ lives severely. In the Netherlands, several studies have explored how particular debates on Islam trickle down into the daily lives of people in a variety of ways ranging from people’s experiences in schools, workplaces and, of course, their media-consumption at different levels in society.

0 comments.

Syrian women break their silence on rape

Posted on June 10th, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Gender, Kinship & Marriage Issues, International Terrorism, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Rape is a weapon of war. Human rights groups and opposition activists say Syrian women held in state prisons are being raped and tortured. Many victims are too afraid to talk. Al Jazeera’s Zeina Khodr met some of the women, who now live in Turkey.

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Photo Essay: Run-up to Egyptian Presidential "elections", Cairo, Egypt

Posted on May 31st, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Society & Politics in the Middle East.

This week, (May 26-27), the Egyptian presidential “elections” took place. The photo essay in this album gives you a visual impression of the pre-election run-up in Cairo in the week before the “elections”.

The only credible candidate is former Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian armed forces Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi. Sisi announced his candidacy in March of this year, changing his military uniform for civilian clothes for the first time in 40 years.

Running against Sisi is Hamdeen Sabahi. He is a controversial socialist/Nasserist politician. Some say he is a serious contender (he came 3rd in the 2012 presidential elections with 21% of the vote), others say him running only serves to legitimise Sisi getting “elected” next week.

Sisi, when still commander-in-chief of the army, played a leading role in ousting then-president Mohamed Morsi in June 2013. Sisi is popular among those in Egypt whose main desire is stability after years of insecurity. They view Sisi as someone who can protect Egypt’s dignity, improve the country’s dire economic situation, and is an observant Muslim.

However, opposition against Sisi and the military rule remains from various sides in society, such as those who remain sided with the aims of the January 25 revolution, and the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). While the former see Sisi as a threat to the soul of the revolution, the MB see in Sisi the mastermind of a coup against the elected MB president Mohamed Morsi and the leader of a crackdown against MB members, of which leaders and members have been imprisoned, many facing death sentences. The current regime labels the MB and its members “terrorists”. The MB have decided to boycott the vote.

Not only the MB is targeted. For example, the “April 6 Youth Movement”, one of the main groups that called for protests before the 25 January 2011 revolution, was recently banned by a Cairo Court for “espionage” and “activities that distort Egypt’s image”.

Sisi is widely expected to capitalise on the military rule’s politics of fear and gain a landslide victory – just as in the polls abroad, which have already closed.

For a video caricature of what some believe Sisi’s presidency will look like, watch this YouTube clip (with English subtitles)

Annemarie van Geel is a NISIS PhD candidate at the Faculty of Religious Studies, Radboud University Nijmegen. The title of her research project is: Women-Only Public Spaces on the Arabian Peninsula: Comparing Discourses on Gender, Islam, and Modernity in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. She is also founder and owner of Faraasha – Middle East Training & Advisory.

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Photo Essay: Run-up to Egyptian Presidential “elections”, Cairo, Egypt

Posted on May 31st, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Society & Politics in the Middle East.

This week, (May 26-27), the Egyptian presidential “elections” took place. The photo essay in this album gives you a visual impression of the pre-election run-up in Cairo in the week before the “elections”.

The only credible candidate is former Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian armed forces Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi. Sisi announced his candidacy in March of this year, changing his military uniform for civilian clothes for the first time in 40 years.

Running against Sisi is Hamdeen Sabahi. He is a controversial socialist/Nasserist politician. Some say he is a serious contender (he came 3rd in the 2012 presidential elections with 21% of the vote), others say him running only serves to legitimise Sisi getting “elected” next week.

Sisi, when still commander-in-chief of the army, played a leading role in ousting then-president Mohamed Morsi in June 2013. Sisi is popular among those in Egypt whose main desire is stability after years of insecurity. They view Sisi as someone who can protect Egypt’s dignity, improve the country’s dire economic situation, and is an observant Muslim.

However, opposition against Sisi and the military rule remains from various sides in society, such as those who remain sided with the aims of the January 25 revolution, and the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). While the former see Sisi as a threat to the soul of the revolution, the MB see in Sisi the mastermind of a coup against the elected MB president Mohamed Morsi and the leader of a crackdown against MB members, of which leaders and members have been imprisoned, many facing death sentences. The current regime labels the MB and its members “terrorists”. The MB have decided to boycott the vote.

Not only the MB is targeted. For example, the “April 6 Youth Movement”, one of the main groups that called for protests before the 25 January 2011 revolution, was recently banned by a Cairo Court for “espionage” and “activities that distort Egypt’s image”.

Sisi is widely expected to capitalise on the military rule’s politics of fear and gain a landslide victory – just as in the polls abroad, which have already closed.

For a video caricature of what some believe Sisi’s presidency will look like, watch this YouTube clip (with English subtitles)

Annemarie van Geel is a NISIS PhD candidate at the Faculty of Religious Studies, Radboud University Nijmegen. The title of her research project is: Women-Only Public Spaces on the Arabian Peninsula: Comparing Discourses on Gender, Islam, and Modernity in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. She is also founder and owner of Faraasha – Middle East Training & Advisory.

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The Pursuit of Happiness – Happy Muslims, Creativity and Political Agency

Posted on May 18th, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Activism, islamophobia, Notes from the Field, Religious and Political Radicalization, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

A few weeks ago The Honest Policy launched a ‘Happy Muslims’ version of Pharrell Williams’ feel-good ‘Happy’.

By now it has been followed by several other initiatives such as a German video:

One from Egypt:

One from Chicago, US:

One from Abu Dhabi:

And one from the Netherlands:

And several others, just check Youtube. In that list you will see several critical responses to it as well. We can distinguish at least four types of criticism that I’ve seen in regard to the UK and Dutch versions (I haven’t checked the debates in other cases):

Defining Humanity

Much of the critique was about Muslims who are giving in to ‘Western’ ideas of the good Muslim: someone who shows his/hers allegiance to the country they live in. What gets included in the category of the good Muslim is central to the reproduction of dichotomies between humanity/creativity/happiness in relation to the West on the one hand, and fundamentalism/ terrorism/inhumanity/angriness in relation to Islam on the other. The next comment is exemplary for this type of critique:

Happy Muslims: Performing “Happiness” and “Normalcy” | Muslim Reverie

With regard to the “Happy Muslims” videos, the critiques are again about how Muslims perform “happiness” for the white gaze to be seen as “normal” (“normal” meaning “just like every other British/American/Canadian person” and being seen as nonthreatening to white supremacy). An article on OnIslam.net, which wrote in defense of the video, concluded with a sentence stating that 83% of Muslims are “proud to be a British citizen.” To counter stereotypes, the message seems to always be: “We deserve equal rights and dignity because we’re proud British/American/Canadian/Australian, etc. citizens,” instead of “We deserve equal rights and dignity because we’re human beings.” It’s as if the only way to be respected and accepted in society is to show white non-Muslims that we are not only “happy” in their white supremacist nations, but also how we are “the Good Muslims,” or “proud citizens just like them.” Subsequently, this works to distinguish us from the Muslims “over there,” i.e. the Muslims who aren’t citizens of the West and characterized as being “backwards,” “uncivilized,” “unintelligent,” etc. (and as if their lack of citizenship makes them less human or their deaths less outrageous).

Internalized racism

Related to the first and building upon it is that Muslims through these videos are internalizing the stereotypes that are imposed on them. A critique that is very much related to analysis of racism, orientalism and Islamophobia in the sense that is pretty much how racism works: it gets internalized by the ones who are targeted by it:
I ain’t happy | Escape The Cage

How can we claim to actively fight the stereotypes that plague Western perceptions of Muslims if we operate under the veneer of those very prejudices? What the video very evidently does is it seeks to humanise Muslims by implicitly submitting to orientalist accounts. Why do we continually insist on trying to prove our humanity and normality through such nonsensical antics? And just for the record, I don’t take issue with the dancing or the music, although I know some elements of the Muslim community will. To be clear, I am taking issue with a very specific point, the underlying message that is being bulldozed through this video: “Hey Britain, check us out, we’re not all suicide-bombers. Some of us are even in touch with chart music. And look, we can even crack a smile when we’re happy”. We never play by our rules, we only seem to be efficient when reacting to standards imposed upon us. That’s not smart. The worst “Other-ing” is that which one imposes upon oneself. Self-enslavement, unknowingly absorbed, is the most dangerous form of bondage. Failing to understand that by the very act of attempting to defy dehumanising stereotypes, we have (in)conveniently bought into the status quo’s sophisticated trickery, and have done an unprecedented disservice to ourselves and to our heritage. The result is, to put it bluntly, amateurish and we frankly do not have the right to complain about negative portrayals of Muslims by Western discourse-setters if we have chosen to submit ourselves to such narratives.

Misogyny

A third category of critique pertains to tapping into pop culture and the figure of Pharrell who has featured in rather misogynist pop videos before. In this sense the Muslims in the video trade in the stereotypes of the angry Muslim for the misogynist imagination of pop culture.
‘Happy British Muslims’ sparks unhappiness

Bopping to substandard R&B tracks is a thing many self-respecting folk (whether Muslim or not) might confess to with sheepish embarrassment. That stuff’s catchy, no one’s denying it. But to gloat about it under the banner of a marginalised religious community gives the impression of trying to compensate for something.

The issue I want to raise is, why buy into an aspect of pop culture that sends a message of brainless conformity, as opposed to positive contribution?

I use the term “brainless” deliberately because of what Pharrell has been associated with. I refer to his feature in Robin Thicke’s controversial single “You know you want it” which was banned in 20 student unions across the UK for its “rape-promoting content”.^[ii] The same Pharrell who also produced the song’s video featuring Robin, rapper TI and himself alongside a handful of near-nude models being generally demeaned.

Anti-islamic slavery

The conservative critique focuses on the issues of happiness and the role of women in the video. The latter are regarded as dancing provocatively in the video and some see the line ‘happiness is the truth’ as a secular message that opposes Islam as the truth.
My thoughts on #HappyMuslims video | Islam21c

The image which came to mind after a few moments was of slave masters watching their slave girls/boys amuse, dance and entertain them as they twirl their moustaches happily. Yes this is a metaphor and our brothers and sisters are not slave girls, but what is worse is when a Muslim makes that conscious decision that what they have from their Deen and their values just isn’t “good enough” and thus “let’s use the medium of popular culture instead regardless of whether it fits an Islamic ethos or not”. This is of course the real slavery. The slavery of the mind. The music etc wasn’t so depressing for me; it was watching a people fall even more into subservience.

– Any women who claim that females dancing is not provocative or sexual, is either naïve or just plain miskeen. And any man whom claims the same, is, well, lying. Ladies, you could dance like Peter Crouch and men would find that sexual! Men don’t think like you. You lift an elbow out and just wiggle your head forget about anything else and you just provocation-ed off the provocation-meter. You want to do that, keep it for your fella’s eyes only please.

– It’s amazing just how strong that feeling of inferiority amongst liberal and secular Muslims is. That is definitely the major concern here, not the music or dancing. Folks used to call it a inferiority complex. That’s outdated now. We need to call it an “inferiority crisis”.

These different categories are not exclusive and in fact are very much related to each other: they all pertain to how to resist particular oppositions, imaginaries and stereotypes that are imposed on Muslims? The producers and the people who participate in the video are criticized for tapping into and reproducing those imaginaries in different ways.

Happiness as political

My first reaction about the UK video and after the Dutch networks announced their video was in line with much of the critique I have highlighted here. And as one of my interlocutors stated on my Facebook page why should Muslims be happy when in the Netherlands they are submitted to all kinds of racist statements, when there is a terrible war in Syria and when in Burma Rohingya Muslims are persecuted? Why shouldn’t we be angry then? In fact we should be angry now and this video is depoliticizing the whole Muslim issue making our grievances invisible. After some thinking I still agree with these critiques but I have also a few doubts in particular because it ignores an important part of the message of all the different videos: escaping social pressures, happiness, fun, and the diversity among Muslims themselves. As the Honesty Policy stated they wanted to “rethink the rulebook of religious expression”, for a community which is “eclectic, creative and competent”.

As such the fun and happiness displayed in the Happy Muslim meme is of course highly political. It shows a group of Muslims performing a capacity to stop noticing the negative social imaginaries and miseries of the world while at the same time attempting to tame of violence of the racist impositions and the frustrations of feeling powerless against the injustice in the world.

It is I think a mode of double resistance. First of all it is a protest against the imposition of the social imaginary of the angry Muslim basically reducing all Muslims to violent, intolerant and uncreative robots. Second it indicates an area where Muslims, against all odds, are themselves in a way participants experience as ‘finally something fun and positive’ and in a way that challenges the idea that all Muslims are the same by showing their diversity. Also it indicates an attempt to make themselves visible. Although Muslims often disappear as unique individuals in the debates as they are often seen seen as representatives or examples of this and that, the videos state ‘here we are as Muslims and we are all different and unique’. Of course that is also tapping into a cultural development that highly privileges authenticity and individualism (with all its down sides) but it is still a type of resistance anyway.

Silencing the alternative?

Of course, this is a bit speculative since I would need to know more about the motives of the makers and participants and so far I have only seen their facebook postings. I’m engaging in it anyway because I’m wondering if the four categories of criticism I listed here do not fall into a similar trap as the people of the videos are accused of: reproducing the divide between us and them and between the West and Islam. Moreover the criticism appears to make a plea for a type of resistance that is completely separate and not informed by the stereotypes and imaginaries imposed upon Muslims and I wonder if that is possible at all.

It seems as if we think that if people are using happiness, fun and diversity as their main message, we are saying by definition now you are succumbing to Western standards instead of being yourself or being Islamic? But surely there are more repertoires of a good life than Western, Islamic or being yourself? We make highly detailed analysis of how Muslims are trying to create a feeling of belonging to other Muslims or ethnic groups, but we criticize them when they perform their search for belonging to the Netherlands and we see that as being submissive to the negative social imaginaries and Islamophobic policies? What does that say about our own analysis? Is it based upon only two distinct and non-related categories of oppression and opposition against oppression? Why not a different reading as well? Why not the reading, hey here we have a bunch of Muslims and against all odds, against you saying we are all the same and against you trying to exclude us from the important debates and policies, here we are, we are all the same and different at the same time and no matter how violent your policies are, you cannot touch us, we are still happy?

Furthermore I wonder if these critiques do not ignore the idea that governmentality and resistance are always highly related and mutually constitutive. It is precisely through those government policies which are devised to manage integration and radicalization, that Muslims are objectified as governable targets and where the subjectivation of Muslims – as Muslims – occurs but it is also that which creates, informs and shapes the potential for resistance. This means yes resistance is always highly informed by the same social imaginaries it tries to resist and in this case highly informed by the same orientalisms, sexisms and pop culture shallowness it actually tries to resist.

But at the same time happiness, fun, and creativity are all located within wider alternative national and religious geographical imaginaries and as such constitute a critique of social and political injustice, and demands for a more just, satisfying and equitable future. The enactment of happy Muslims within a context of people telling them how to behave, religious conservatism, racism and war can therefore be seen as a political demand for humanity itself and drawing a space where they are left alone by outside pressures. While the above mentioned critique may be warranted (and I think it is) it may also amount to silencing those Muslims who engage in a type of activism which may not have a determinate political effect or one that we have a hard time recognizing and acknowledging.

Of course these comments mainly pertain to Happy Muslims as a transnational phenomenon. Which political effect they exactly create or what type of political agency we are witnessing here is of course for  determined by the concrete local political context as well, making Happy Muslims from the Netherlands partly different from Happy Muslims from Gaza:

See also at Allegra Lab: To Be #HAPPY Muslim Or Not To Be – #ANTHROISLAM By Raana Bokhari

0 comments.

Documentary: Return to Homs

Posted on May 11th, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Arts & culture, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

How do you get from being a pacifist antigovernment protest leader to being a homegrown guerrilla fighter?

Journeyman Pictures : documentaries : Return to Homs (HD)

Nineteen-year-old Basset is the goalkeeper for the Syrian national soccer team. When revolution breaks out the charismatic young man becomes an iconic protest leader and singer. His songs reflect his dream of peaceful liberation from Assad’s brutal regime. Osama is a 24-year-old media activist and pacifist wielding his camera to document the revolution. But when the army cracks down and their beloved Homs becomes a bombed-out ghost town, these two peaceful protesters take up arms and transform into renegade insurgents, with devastating results.

Former star goalkeeper of the national soccer team, Abdul Basset Saroot, transformed over three years from a pacifist antigovernment protest leader into a homegrown guerrilla fighter. He saw colleagues die from army sniper bullets and disappear in government detention. He suffered a grievous leg wound and, his friends say, is now surviving on well water and seven olives a day.

Nowadays Abdul Basset Saroot is considered a terrorist by President Bashar al-Assad’s government. He is the main character in the film, “Return to Homs.” The film won the World Cinema Grand Jury Prize for Documentary at Sundance. The film is made by Damascus-based-husband-and-wife-film producers Orwa Nyrabia and Diana El Jeiroudi.

Journeyman Pictures : documentaries : Return to Homs (HD)

“This is Homs, but I don’t know where I am,” Basset says with characteristic joviality as he wanders through the destroyed buildings and rubble-filled streets of the city. They are the streets Basset and Osama grew up in, now a barren battlefield. In fractured homes, discarded living rooms speak of thousands of disrupted lives. Osama is disorientated by this completely new reality, “like an immigrant discovering a new city”.

As the siege takes hold in Homs, these two friends gather together a circle of brave but ragtag comrades, determined to protect the trapped civilians and help to get them out of the city. Surviving on a diet of just a few olives and a single glass of dirty water a day, this handful of stranded amateur fighters hold out against the snipers, tanks and mortars of the Syrian Army. They scuttle through the ghost town like rats, resourceful and single-minded.

Soon bravado gives way to despair as the reality of their David and Goliath battle takes hold. Sitting in a destroyed hallway lit by streaks of sunshine that make their way through the rubble, the normally optimistic Basset seems broken. Osama has been captured and the fight is not going well. “I no longer have it in me to do this. All my close friends are gone. I’m fed up man.”

Yet out of despair grows a renewed, more bitter determination. “Will this revolution ever end?” the film’s director Derki asks. “Sure – they’re not immortal”, smiles Basset. Pushed out of the city by Assad’s forces, he prepares his men for a dangerous return to Homs. “Kill me, but just open up an exit for the people”, the brave young leader cries.

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Nieuw boek: ‘Salafisme. Utopische idealen in een weerbarstige praktijk’

Posted on May 9th, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: [Online] Publications, Headline, Islam in the Netherlands, Murder on theo Van Gogh and related issues, My Research, Religious and Political Radicalization, Ritual and Religious Experience, Society & Politics in the Middle East, Young Muslims.

Woensdag 14 mei verschijnt bij Uitgeverij Parthenon het boek dat ik samen met mijn collega’s van de afdeling Islamstudies van de Radboud Universiteit, Joas Wagemakers en Carmen Becker, heb geschreven: Salafisme. Utopische idealen in een weerbarstige praktijk.

Hoe ben je een goede moslim?
Wat salafisten gemeen hebben, is dat zij proberen om de profeet Mohammed en de eerste generaties moslims na hem zo nauwkeurig mogelijk te volgen. Maar hoe ben je een goede, vrome moslim? Daar zijn uiteenlopende, soms tegenstrijdige ideeën over. Bijvoorbeeld: zijn strikte kledingvoorschriften enorm belangrijk of leidt die nadruk op uiterlijkheden af van de spiritualiteit? Is geloof een persoonlijk project, dat deelname aan de samenleving niet in de weg staat, of moet je je zo afzijdig mogelijk houden? ‘Er zijn tegenwoordig zelfs salafisten die oproepen om te stemmen. Daar krijgen ze zware kritiek op van anderen, want je zo actief bemoeien met wereldlijk gezag zou een stap op weg naar het ongeloof zijn.. Het is me door ons onderzoek veel duidelijker geworden dat salafist zijn vaak een worsteling is. Tegelijkertijd maakt dat harde werken ook een belangrijk deel uit van een goede moslim zijn.

Populair na ‘9/11’
In de jaren na ‘9/11’ nam de populariteit van het salafisme wereldwijd toe. Toch is de stroming overal, behalve in Saoedi-Arabië, nog altijd een minderheid binnen de islam. In Nederland zou volgens Amsterdams onderzoek zo’n 8 tot 10 procent van de moslimbevolking , dus ongeveer 80.000 mensen, geïnteresseerd kunnen zijn in een stroming als het salafisme – ‘met zo veel slagen om de arm is dat het meest exacte cijfer dat we hebben’.

Theo van Gogh
In Nederland leidde de moord op Theo van Gogh, in 2004, tot een piek in de belangstelling. ‘Deels was dat nieuwsgierigheid, maar er zit ook wat rebels in salafisme. De publieke reacties op orthodoxe moslims waren scherp, destijds. En dan krijg je een tegenreactie: als salafisten denken te worden aangevallen op hun geloof, kunnen ze fel uit de hoek komen. De laatste jaren, hebben mijn collega’s en ik de indruk, is het aantal bezoekers bij bijeenkomsten voor salafisten behoorlijk stabiel.

Arabische Lente
Het boek besteedt ook aandacht aan de gevolgen van de Arabische Lente, die de apolitieke ideeën van veel salafisten behoorlijk op z’n kop hebben gezet. Moesten salafisten langs de kant blijven staan terwijl allerlei regimes omver geworpen werden of moesten ze toch politiek actief worden? Hoewel salafisten vaak bekend staan als rigide, zijn ze in sommige gevallen uiterst flexibel met deze nieuwe uitdaging omgegaan.

Wat moeten we ermee?

Het boek Salafisme. Utopische idealen in een weerbarstige praktijk verschijnt bij Uitgeverij Parthenon en wordt op woensdag 14 mei in Nijmegen gepresenteerd in het Soeterbeeck Programma ‘Salafisme, wat moeten we ermee?’ (lezing en discussie met onder andere Ineke Roex en Roel Meijer, onder leiding van Jan Jaap de Ruiter van de Universiteit van Tilburg).

Datum: woensdag 14 mei 2014

Tijd: van 19:30 tot 21:30

Locatie: Huize Heyendael, Geert Grooteplein-Noord 9, Nijmegen

Organisator: Soeterbeeck Programma
Voor meer informatie over het programma zie HIER. Aanmelden is noodzakelijk, dat kan HIER.

Te verkrijgen vanaf 14 mei
Bij de bekende boekhandels onder andere:
Atheneum Amsterdam
Boekhandel Roelants Nijmegen
Bol.com
Boek.be

Lees de inleiding

1 comment.

Nieuw boek: 'Salafisme. Utopische idealen in een weerbarstige praktijk'

Posted on May 9th, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: [Online] Publications, Headline, Islam in the Netherlands, Murder on theo Van Gogh and related issues, My Research, Religious and Political Radicalization, Ritual and Religious Experience, Society & Politics in the Middle East, Young Muslims.

Woensdag 14 mei verschijnt bij Uitgeverij Parthenon het boek dat ik samen met mijn collega’s van de afdeling Islamstudies van de Radboud Universiteit, Joas Wagemakers en Carmen Becker, heb geschreven: Salafisme. Utopische idealen in een weerbarstige praktijk.

Hoe ben je een goede moslim?
Wat salafisten gemeen hebben, is dat zij proberen om de profeet Mohammed en de eerste generaties moslims na hem zo nauwkeurig mogelijk te volgen. Maar hoe ben je een goede, vrome moslim? Daar zijn uiteenlopende, soms tegenstrijdige ideeën over. Bijvoorbeeld: zijn strikte kledingvoorschriften enorm belangrijk of leidt die nadruk op uiterlijkheden af van de spiritualiteit? Is geloof een persoonlijk project, dat deelname aan de samenleving niet in de weg staat, of moet je je zo afzijdig mogelijk houden? ‘Er zijn tegenwoordig zelfs salafisten die oproepen om te stemmen. Daar krijgen ze zware kritiek op van anderen, want je zo actief bemoeien met wereldlijk gezag zou een stap op weg naar het ongeloof zijn.. Het is me door ons onderzoek veel duidelijker geworden dat salafist zijn vaak een worsteling is. Tegelijkertijd maakt dat harde werken ook een belangrijk deel uit van een goede moslim zijn.

Populair na ‘9/11’
In de jaren na ‘9/11’ nam de populariteit van het salafisme wereldwijd toe. Toch is de stroming overal, behalve in Saoedi-Arabië, nog altijd een minderheid binnen de islam. In Nederland zou volgens Amsterdams onderzoek zo’n 8 tot 10 procent van de moslimbevolking , dus ongeveer 80.000 mensen, geïnteresseerd kunnen zijn in een stroming als het salafisme – ‘met zo veel slagen om de arm is dat het meest exacte cijfer dat we hebben’.

Theo van Gogh
In Nederland leidde de moord op Theo van Gogh, in 2004, tot een piek in de belangstelling. ‘Deels was dat nieuwsgierigheid, maar er zit ook wat rebels in salafisme. De publieke reacties op orthodoxe moslims waren scherp, destijds. En dan krijg je een tegenreactie: als salafisten denken te worden aangevallen op hun geloof, kunnen ze fel uit de hoek komen. De laatste jaren, hebben mijn collega’s en ik de indruk, is het aantal bezoekers bij bijeenkomsten voor salafisten behoorlijk stabiel.

Arabische Lente
Het boek besteedt ook aandacht aan de gevolgen van de Arabische Lente, die de apolitieke ideeën van veel salafisten behoorlijk op z’n kop hebben gezet. Moesten salafisten langs de kant blijven staan terwijl allerlei regimes omver geworpen werden of moesten ze toch politiek actief worden? Hoewel salafisten vaak bekend staan als rigide, zijn ze in sommige gevallen uiterst flexibel met deze nieuwe uitdaging omgegaan.

Wat moeten we ermee?

Het boek Salafisme. Utopische idealen in een weerbarstige praktijk verschijnt bij Uitgeverij Parthenon en wordt op woensdag 14 mei in Nijmegen gepresenteerd in het Soeterbeeck Programma ‘Salafisme, wat moeten we ermee?’ (lezing en discussie met onder andere Ineke Roex en Roel Meijer, onder leiding van Jan Jaap de Ruiter van de Universiteit van Tilburg).

Datum: woensdag 14 mei 2014

Tijd: van 19:30 tot 21:30

Locatie: Huize Heyendael, Geert Grooteplein-Noord 9, Nijmegen

Organisator: Soeterbeeck Programma
Voor meer informatie over het programma zie HIER. Aanmelden is noodzakelijk, dat kan HIER.

Te verkrijgen vanaf 14 mei
Bij de bekende boekhandels onder andere:
Atheneum Amsterdam
Boekhandel Roelants Nijmegen
Bol.com
Boek.be

Lees de inleiding

1 comment.

Syria War – British Muslims on the front line

Posted on April 3rd, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Bilal Abdul Kareem, is an American Muslim activist living in Syria who documents the lives of fighters and aid workers in Syria for Channel4. In this episode he talks to Tauqir who lives near the Turkish border with his British wife Racquell Hayden-Best, who is 21. When they married three years ago, he already had a long history of activism – he was one of those aboard the Gaza aid flotilla which was raided by Israeli forces in 2010. An excerpt of the story:

“I feel the whole world has turned a blind eye to Syria. We don’t want to be sitting here in five years’ time, wondering why we didn’t prevent another genocide. I feel it’s the duty of all Muslims to help.”
[…]
The Nottingham University graduate believes he has a religious obligation, but an obligation based on his very British upbringing. “I grew up in an ordinary, middle-class family. But we were always taught, growing up in the UK, that if we see injustice, we should step in and do something about it.”

Racquell says she was keen to travel with him to Syria, despite the dangers. “I had a very protected upbringing,” she says. “I wanted to get out and see the world. Life in the UK, it was depressing, it was like a robot life, doing the same things every day. Now Tauqir is doing what he wants to do. I’m happy because he’s happy.”

Read more at Channel 4: Syria War – British Muslims on the front line

0 comments.

Homs: Living, Resilience and Overcoming the Darkness of the Siege

Posted on March 14th, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Homs was one of the centres of the Syrian revolution, now it is a devastated besieged city. In February 2014 the UN brokered a temporary truce and more than 1,000 civilians left; nevertheless but many are still trapped. The BBC has obtained a video recorded by people still living in Homs. The Syrian activist group Masarat send it to them.

You will see people trying to ‘overcome the darkness of the siege’; a brave mother, a Dutch jesuit father Francis (Frans van der Lugt) and others making the best of rather primitive circumstances. What caught me in the video is the creativity, love for life and memories, and spirit of invention in the context of war, destruction, and abandonment.

0 comments.

Women & Violence – The Case of Dutch Muslim Women in Syria Part 1

Posted on March 13th, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Gender, Kinship & Marriage Issues, Notes from the Field, Religious and Political Radicalization, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Women and political violence

For some reason the participation of women in political violence and war triggers our imagination. This is also the case with Muslim women going to Syria, some who go there to fight, some to become active in humanitarian aid and others who join their husbands and take care of their household. Often the depiction of these women is quite one-dimensional. They are often constructed as trapped by cultural or religious circumstances tied to gender or they are constructed as “romantic dupes” who have been manipulated into violent acts by a male lover or male relative or into lending sexual services to men. Of course, this is not just fantasy, it does exist and there are, for example, more than enough examples of women who are used for sexual favours and raping women is a weapon of war. Furthermore the promise of sex can be an important motivation for male soldiers and there are for example horrific accounts of American soldiers raping French women during the ‘liberation’ of France.

The National Coordinator for Counter-Terrorism and Security estimates the number of Dutch women in Syria to be approximately 20. Not a lot and Dutch women going abroad for participating in armed struggle is also not new given the account of Tanja Nijmeijer who joined the Colombian FARC. Nevertheless, still a significant phenomenon at least for the stir it causes in society in general and among Muslims in particular.

Sex-jihad, jihad brides and what have you…

Last week in the Netherlands we had several accounts on ‘jihad brides’ and Moroccan-Dutch women being groomed by men to go to Syria to engage in temporary marriages so men can have sex with them. The anti-Islam and anti-Muslim/migrant Freedom Party is going to ask questions in parliament about it. In many of the discussions practices that usually are associated with Shia Muslims, in particular the zawaj mut‘a (pleasure marriage) or zawaj mu’aqqat (temporary marriage) are uncritically connected with these (Sunni) women and also related to grooming and prostitution.

It is very difficult to confirm or deny such accounts, the women themselves often do not speak to the regular media. Furthermore it is also difficult to ascertain the extent to which these stories are influenced by war propaganda. The stories about the so-called ‘jihad al-nikah’ or ‘sex(ual) jihad’ during the Syrian war seem to have originated in Tunisia and the Tunisian Minister of the Interior has stated it is a significant issue. According to the Minister, Lotfi Ben Jeddou, Tunisian women were traveling to Syria to wage “sex jihad” and having sex with “20, 30, [or] 100” militants, before returning pregnant to Tunisia. The other source of the jihad al-nikah narrative is said to be Muhammad al-Arifi, a Saudi salafi cleric. Al-Arifi has denied making the statements and stated that ‘no sane person‘ would such a fatwa. This has not prevented stories from Tunisia about young women being ‘brainwashed‘ and lured into ‘sex-jihad’. Later a Tunisian official stated there were only a few women going to Syria for these reasons. The Al Arabiya network revealed several cases of Syrian women who were abducted and raped by jihadis. It appears however that in reality they were kidnapped by Assad’s security services. Christoph Reuter, a reporter of Der Spiegel, stated that the ‘sex jihad’ is part of Assad’s propaganda war and that two human rights organizations haven’t been able to confirm the stories.:

Assad Regime Wages PR Campaign to Discredit Rebels – SPIEGEL ONLINE

One prime example is the legend of orgies with terrorists: The 16-year-old presented on state TV comes from a prominent oppositional family in Daraa. When the regime failed to capture her father, she was abducted by security forces on her way home from school in November 2012. During the same TV program, a second woman confessed that she had submitted to group sex with the fanatical Al-Nusra Front. According to her family, though, she was arrested at the University of Damascus while protesting against Assad. Both young women are still missing. Their families say that they were forced to make the televised statements — and that the allegation of sex jihad is a lie.

An alleged Tunisian sex jihadist also dismissed the stories when she was contacted by Arab media: “All lies!”, she said. She admitted that she had been to Syria, but as a nurse. She says she is married and has since fled to Jordan.

Two human rights organizations have been trying to substantiate the sex jihad stories, but have so far come up empty-handed.

Several other stories about sex jihad have been debunked as well although the Tunisian security services appears to have several girls from the Chaambi Mountains who were allegedly involved in a the so-called sex jihad. Amna Guellali, working for Human Rights Watch in Tunisia, spoke to the mother of an 18-year-old woman. She told Guellali that a woman close to the Tunisian militant group Ansar al-Sharia got her daughter tangled up in a network of girls in the area. Guellali also states however: “Everything I’ve heard were very broad allegations that didn’t really have all the features of a serious reporting about the case, […]All I have is very sparse, very little information, and I think that’s true for a lot of people working in the human rights community, in addition to reporters.”

Nevertheless whether the stories are true or not, some parents and other Muslims do voice their concerns over these women through a narrative that weaves together elements such as brainwashing, grooming and sexual violence. Last night at a talkshow Houda el Hamdaoui (candidate for the local Party of Unity for the upcoming elections and working in a grassroots organisation Mother/Daughter that supports parents of foreign fighters) expressed her concerns while also voicing her objections against the term ‘jihad bride’. She stated that parents should monitor the behaviour of their daughters and if necessary go to the police if they suspect their sons and/or daughters want to go to Syria.

There have also been reports, in the last couple of days, trying to debunk the stories about sex-jihad en jihadbrides and criticizing the sensationalist and alarmist tone of many of the reports.

Women ‘moving’ to Syria

Above is a video of women who calls herself ‘Maryam’. She is a convert from the UK apparently and has committed herself to ‘jihad’:

How British women are joining the jihad in Syria – Channel 4 News

She’s a tall young woman, dressed in a hijab, complete with face veil, firing a gun. She speaks with a London accent, and calls herself “Maryam”.

It’s not her real name, but her commitment to the jihad is real enough: “These are our brothers and sisters and they need our help.”

Maryam shoots a Kalashnikov for the camera, and then fires off a revolver. She’d like to fight, to become what she calls a martyr. But she’s not a frontline fighter. She’s a fighter’s wife, with weapons for her own protection.

(via T-V, thanks!)

The Channel4 documentary is an interesting one but does appear to suffer from a particular bias. In stories about female fighters the question often is why do such (pretty, search for it and note how many times they are categorized as pretty) engage in violent acts or, in this case join the European male foreign fighters in Syria? It appears as if people think that women engaging in violence are transgressing the dominant definitions of feminity and appropriate behaviour. The narrative of women being lured into sex jihad fits into that; it’s the men’s brainwashing that is responsible for luring women into ‘deviant’ acts. In the case of women we tend to overlook the reasons men give for fighting: ‘doing something’, ‘fighting for justice and against oppression, ‘fighting in the cause of God’ and assume women have other reasons. And maybe they have other reasons too, but Maryam’s story is quite familiar when we compare it to the narratives of men:

I couldn’t find anyone in the UK who was willing to sacrifice their life in this world for the life in the hereafter… I prayed, and Allah ruled that I came here to marry Abu Bakr.[…] “You need to wake up and stop being scared of death… we know that there’s heaven and hell. At the end of the day, Allah’s going to question you. Instead of sitting down and focusing on your families or your study, you just need to wake up because the time is ticking.

There is also another narrative that I haven’t seen thus far in the case of Muslim women going to Syria but that certainly exists in other cases. This one constructs female militants and fighters as “liberated” feminists who engage in violent acts as autonomous actors. The advantage of this perspective as that women’s agency is being brought into the narrative but in fact it is equally reductionist as the former. Committing acts of violence here becomes the ultimate equalizer oyer and these women may even more dangerous than man (‘kill the women first’ trope is such an example). It is as if these women by becoming fighters are expressing their full feminity, their full commitment as a Muslim and demonstrating gender equality. Such a view however (although maybe important to the women themselves) still gains its currency from the stereotype that a woman does not commit violent acts.

The Channel4 documentary albeit not completely independent from the stereotypes, does provide us with a clear view of women not being passive victims of bad men and not being the feminist warriors others want them to be. Economics, household issues, children’s issues and the realities of life at home and in Syria shape and inform their participation in the war in Syria. Coercion and social pressures may play a role here but the women’s political and religious agency do as well.

0 comments.

Women & Violence – The Case of Dutch Muslim Women in Syria Part 1

Posted on March 13th, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: Gender, Kinship & Marriage Issues, Notes from the Field, Religious and Political Radicalization, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Women and political violence

For some reason the participation of women in political violence and war triggers our imagination. This is also the case with Muslim women going to Syria, some who go there to fight, some to become active in humanitarian aid and others who join their husbands and take care of their household. Often the depiction of these women is quite one-dimensional. They are often constructed as trapped by cultural or religious circumstances tied to gender or they are constructed as “romantic dupes” who have been manipulated into violent acts by a male lover or male relative or into lending sexual services to men. Of course, this is not just fantasy, it does exist and there are, for example, more than enough examples of women who are used for sexual favours and raping women is a weapon of war. Furthermore the promise of sex can be an important motivation for male soldiers and there are for example horrific accounts of American soldiers raping French women during the ‘liberation’ of France.

The National Coordinator for Counter-Terrorism and Security estimates the number of Dutch women in Syria to be approximately 20. Not a lot and Dutch women going abroad for participating in armed struggle is also not new given the account of Tanja Nijmeijer who joined the Colombian FARC. Nevertheless, still a significant phenomenon at least for the stir it causes in society in general and among Muslims in particular.

Sex-jihad, jihad brides and what have you…

Last week in the Netherlands we had several accounts on ‘jihad brides’ and Moroccan-Dutch women being groomed by men to go to Syria to engage in temporary marriages so men can have sex with them. The anti-Islam and anti-Muslim/migrant Freedom Party is going to ask questions in parliament about it. In many of the discussions practices that usually are associated with Shia Muslims, in particular the zawaj mut‘a (pleasure marriage) or zawaj mu’aqqat (temporary marriage) are uncritically connected with these (Sunni) women and also related to grooming and prostitution.

It is very difficult to confirm or deny such accounts, the women themselves often do not speak to the regular media. Furthermore it is also difficult to ascertain the extent to which these stories are influenced by war propaganda. The stories about the so-called ‘jihad al-nikah’ or ‘sex(ual) jihad’ during the Syrian war seem to have originated in Tunisia and the Tunisian Minister of the Interior has stated it is a significant issue. According to the Minister, Lotfi Ben Jeddou, Tunisian women were traveling to Syria to wage “sex jihad” and having sex with “20, 30, [or] 100” militants, before returning pregnant to Tunisia. The other source of the jihad al-nikah narrative is said to be Muhammad al-Arifi, a Saudi salafi cleric. Al-Arifi has denied making the statements and stated that ‘no sane person‘ would such a fatwa. This has not prevented stories from Tunisia about young women being ‘brainwashed‘ and lured into ‘sex-jihad’. Later a Tunisian official stated there were only a few women going to Syria for these reasons. The Al Arabiya network revealed several cases of Syrian women who were abducted and raped by jihadis. It appears however that in reality they were kidnapped by Assad’s security services. Christoph Reuter, a reporter of Der Spiegel, stated that the ‘sex jihad’ is part of Assad’s propaganda war and that two human rights organizations haven’t been able to confirm the stories.:

Assad Regime Wages PR Campaign to Discredit Rebels – SPIEGEL ONLINE

One prime example is the legend of orgies with terrorists: The 16-year-old presented on state TV comes from a prominent oppositional family in Daraa. When the regime failed to capture her father, she was abducted by security forces on her way home from school in November 2012. During the same TV program, a second woman confessed that she had submitted to group sex with the fanatical Al-Nusra Front. According to her family, though, she was arrested at the University of Damascus while protesting against Assad. Both young women are still missing. Their families say that they were forced to make the televised statements — and that the allegation of sex jihad is a lie.

An alleged Tunisian sex jihadist also dismissed the stories when she was contacted by Arab media: “All lies!”, she said. She admitted that she had been to Syria, but as a nurse. She says she is married and has since fled to Jordan.

Two human rights organizations have been trying to substantiate the sex jihad stories, but have so far come up empty-handed.

Several other stories about sex jihad have been debunked as well although the Tunisian security services appears to have several girls from the Chaambi Mountains who were allegedly involved in a the so-called sex jihad. Amna Guellali, working for Human Rights Watch in Tunisia, spoke to the mother of an 18-year-old woman. She told Guellali that a woman close to the Tunisian militant group Ansar al-Sharia got her daughter tangled up in a network of girls in the area. Guellali also states however: “Everything I’ve heard were very broad allegations that didn’t really have all the features of a serious reporting about the case, […]All I have is very sparse, very little information, and I think that’s true for a lot of people working in the human rights community, in addition to reporters.”

Nevertheless whether the stories are true or not, some parents and other Muslims do voice their concerns over these women through a narrative that weaves together elements such as brainwashing, grooming and sexual violence. Last night at a talkshow Houda el Hamdaoui (candidate for the local Party of Unity for the upcoming elections and working in a grassroots organisation Mother/Daughter that supports parents of foreign fighters) expressed her concerns while also voicing her objections against the term ‘jihad bride’. She stated that parents should monitor the behaviour of their daughters and if necessary go to the police if they suspect their sons and/or daughters want to go to Syria.

There have also been reports, in the last couple of days, trying to debunk the stories about sex-jihad en jihadbrides and criticizing the sensationalist and alarmist tone of many of the reports.

Women ‘moving’ to Syria

Above is a video of women who calls herself ‘Maryam’. She is a convert from the UK apparently and has committed herself to ‘jihad’:

How British women are joining the jihad in Syria – Channel 4 News

She’s a tall young woman, dressed in a hijab, complete with face veil, firing a gun. She speaks with a London accent, and calls herself “Maryam”.

It’s not her real name, but her commitment to the jihad is real enough: “These are our brothers and sisters and they need our help.”

Maryam shoots a Kalashnikov for the camera, and then fires off a revolver. She’d like to fight, to become what she calls a martyr. But she’s not a frontline fighter. She’s a fighter’s wife, with weapons for her own protection.

(via T-V, thanks!)

The Channel4 documentary is an interesting one but does appear to suffer from a particular bias. In stories about female fighters the question often is why do such (pretty, search for it and note how many times they are categorized as pretty) engage in violent acts or, in this case join the European male foreign fighters in Syria? It appears as if people think that women engaging in violence are transgressing the dominant definitions of feminity and appropriate behaviour. The narrative of women being lured into sex jihad fits into that; it’s the men’s brainwashing that is responsible for luring women into ‘deviant’ acts. In the case of women we tend to overlook the reasons men give for fighting: ‘doing something’, ‘fighting for justice and against oppression, ‘fighting in the cause of God’ and assume women have other reasons. And maybe they have other reasons too, but Maryam’s story is quite familiar when we compare it to the narratives of men:

I couldn’t find anyone in the UK who was willing to sacrifice their life in this world for the life in the hereafter… I prayed, and Allah ruled that I came here to marry Abu Bakr.[…] “You need to wake up and stop being scared of death… we know that there’s heaven and hell. At the end of the day, Allah’s going to question you. Instead of sitting down and focusing on your families or your study, you just need to wake up because the time is ticking.

There is also another narrative that I haven’t seen thus far in the case of Muslim women going to Syria but that certainly exists in other cases. This one constructs female militants and fighters as “liberated” feminists who engage in violent acts as autonomous actors. The advantage of this perspective as that women’s agency is being brought into the narrative but in fact it is equally reductionist as the former. Committing acts of violence here becomes the ultimate equalizer oyer and these women may even more dangerous than man (‘kill the women first’ trope is such an example). It is as if these women by becoming fighters are expressing their full feminity, their full commitment as a Muslim and demonstrating gender equality. Such a view however (although maybe important to the women themselves) still gains its currency from the stereotype that a woman does not commit violent acts.

The Channel4 documentary albeit not completely independent from the stereotypes, does provide us with a clear view of women not being passive victims of bad men and not being the feminist warriors others want them to be. Economics, household issues, children’s issues and the realities of life at home and in Syria shape and inform their participation in the war in Syria. Coercion and social pressures may play a role here but the women’s political and religious agency do as well.

0 comments.

Nieuwsuur: Yilmaz – The Story of a Dutch Soldier in Syria

Posted on February 6th, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: International Terrorism, Religious and Political Radicalization, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Currently about 120 Dutch Muslims have joined the armed struggle in Syria as foreign fighters. One of them is a former soldier in the Dutch army, the Turkish-Dutch Yilmaz. Roozbeh Kaboly, foreign editor of the Dutch National TV program Nieuwsuur (NewsHour) found Yilmaz on his social media page (Instagram) 8 months ago. It took Yilmaz a long time to trust Kaboly and accept to give an interview. In the beginning he even denied that he was from the Netherlands. As it’s not safe for reporters in Syria and extremist fighters target them, Nieuwsuur asked an intermediary to do the interview.

Yilmaz was active on Instagram (and I think Dutch journalist Harald Doornbos was one of the first to notice him) but since that account is closed you can find him on Tumblr where he posts pictures of fighting, Syrian children, weapons and several modalities of propaganda. On Ask.fm one can ask him questions to which he responds.[EDIT: It is not correct that Doornbos was the first. Doornbos discovered one of Yilmaz’ last instagram accounts. Roozbeh Kaboly was already in contact with him at that time.]

Syria 2014. Jihad in style. Alhamdulillah.

Shared from chechclear using Embeddlr
The report is interesting for several reasons. First of all it is the first interview with a Dutch fighter who is actually present in Syria. There have been a few interviews with returnees and there was a full page interview in a national newspaper with a spokesperson of a few fighters, but this is the first one on national TV. Also Yilmaz appears not to belong to the networks of Muslims that are usually associated with fighting in Syria. Interestingly, Yilmaz wears his Dutch army uniform while training other foreign fighters. Also Yilmaz states that the fact that he fights in Syria not by definition means he belongs to the Al Qaeda affiliated networks (ISIS and Nusra) although in his posts he does have words of praise for ISIS rebels.

Yilmaz makes clear that he fights ‘fissabillaah’ for the sake of God as his ultimate motive. He does not plan to return to the Netherlands to die as a martyr; as a response to the often expressed fear that returnees will turn into local violent militants in Europe.

“No, no, I came to Syria for Syria only. I didn’t come to Syria to learn how to make bombs, or this or that and to go back. That’s not the mentality many of these fighters here have. We came here — basically, and I know it sounds harsh, but many of the brothers here, including myself, we came here to die…. So, us going back is not part of our perspective here. I mean it’s a big sacrifice and there’s a lot of work to do, so why should I even think about Holland or Europe? It’s a closed chapter for me.”

He even states that if the Dutch army had sent a unit to help the ‘Syrian people’ he would have been the first to enlist. Also interestingly while in many of the debates radicalization and the fighting in Syria is seen as a lack of integration and as some kind of pathology, Yilmaz stresses political goals: the suffering of the Syrian people under the hands of Assad (‘you can not sit at home…’) and the creation of an Islamic state. He also displays some sense of humor and ‘Dutchness’ when he refers to sushi, Dr. Pepper and ‘kapsalon’ (a Dutch fast food invented by a Turkish Dutch snackbar owner).

The interview also yielded a lot of criticism from different sides (among them the Dutch Coordinator for Counter-terrorism and security) who stated that Nieuwsuur made propaganda for Syrian fighters and/or Al Qaeda. I think therefore it was good the program also showed how they came into contact with Yilmaz and had Erwin Bakker providing the critical note at the end. Of course Yilmaz’ story is partly a media operation. As he states himself on social media: ‘Half of Jihad is media’. What I did miss however was the hardship of foreign fighters themselves. It is not an easy thing to do, to fight there. The sometimes difficult conditions under which they operate, their position as foreign fighters amidst Syrian fighters, the atrocities of war are all left out. Nevertheless I do think the interview provides us with some idea about foreign fighters (of course this is only one of them) that has been completely absent in the discussion (as outlined above).

You can watch the interview here:

See also NYT The Lede Blog

1 comment.

Closing the year 2013: Conflict, Racism and Inspiration

Posted on December 31st, 2013 by martijn.
Categories: Activism, anthropology, Headline, Notes from the Field, Religious and Political Radicalization, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

In this post a short overview of 2013 in three themes: Islamophobia & Racism, Egypt and Syria which dominated my blog this year and also the themes that attracted the most visitors. After that I will reveal my plans for the upcoming year including my new research project! And there is something with this blog in 2014…

Islamophobia and Racism in the Netherlands
A huge topic this year was the Dutch blackface tradition of Black Pete. Although there is a debate since 1960s (flaring up in the 1980s and 1990s) the last couple of years the debate is getting broader, getting more attention on primetime tv and according to some a slightly shifting consensus among opinionleaders in favour of those opposing the tradition. People who support the tradition were also more vocal this year however resulting in, among others, a facebook petition called Pietitie (Piet+petition). I wrote about this in my most popular post this year: Pietitie, Blackface Pete and Nativism: Commodifying Popular Dissent Through Facebook. The petition was organized by a social media campaign agency (without disclosing so) and they used to show how powerful a social media campaign can be.

Debating the negative and islamophobic debate about Islam in Europe is also major topic among Muslims in Europe. Not surprisingly so of course and I blogged about one such attempt: a debate organized by the Oxford Student Union where, among others, in particular Mehdi Hassan left quite an impression: Debating Islam as a Peaceful Religion. That these attempts to counter islamophobia are important was shown in the UK this year where after the Woolwich murder an islamophobic backlash cost the life of one Muslim and where several attacks at mosques occurred and were prevented. At a different level the necessity of combating islamophobia and racism was shown in the Netherlands where Dutch parliament scheduled the ‘Moroccans-debate’ on its agenda. I’m not going to refer to the last time the Dutch parliament had an official debate about a specific minority. but you can read about the Moroccans-debate here: The Dutch ‘Moroccans’ Debate.

Also very popular this year were the posts in Dutch on white privilege: Niet mijn schuld, wel mijn zorg: structureel racisme en wit privilege in Nederland.(Not my fault, still my concern: structural racism and white privilege in the Netherlands) where I used my own position as a white male to explain the benefits of being white in this country. More controversial was my Dutch post: Muselmann – Joden als Moslims in de Concentratiekampen – (Musulmann – Jews as Muslims in the concentration camps). In this post I explored the meaning of the German term Muselmann, meaning Muslim, that was used in the nazi concentration camps for those prisoners who were almost dead. If I have time I will translate the post in English in 2014. Fortunately not all was negative this year. The aforementioned Dutch posts were number two and three in the popularity contest; the number one among the Dutch posts was one about a Dutch contestant of X Factor: a Muslim woman with a headscarf with the name Sevval Kayhan: Hallo dan! – X Factor, Sevval en Inspiratie.

Syria and Egypt
Syria and Egypt were the two other major themes at my blog. The second and fourth most popular posts dealt with Egypt and Syria. Number two was a post in which I explored the rise of and contestations over a new symbol that has emerged in the Middle East, online and offline, to remember the crackdown of the Rabaa al-Adawiya protest camp whereby many pro-Mursi citizens were killed. The ‘four-fingered’ salute is a black hand on a bright yellow background and posted on several social networking sites by people who want to express their solidarity with, remembrance of and anger about the death of the Rabaa protesters: R4bia – The Symbolic Construction of Protest. The symbol has recently been forbidden in Egypt so be careful if you use it on the internet.

Syria obviously is a major theme and I started a post called: European foreign fighters in Syria. I updated this post regularly until the summer and then decided to leave it up to the experts such as Aaron Zelin who are much better at this than me. I did updated it recently with a link to a new report of ICSR estimating the number of foreign fighters. Also the Dutch constituency of the fighters in Syria got quite some attention at my blog since my last research endeavours involves them. In particular my Dutch post Anatomie van een relletje op een Haagse trapveldje – (Anatomy of a small riot on a playing field in The Hague) describing a run in with the police during a football get-together where I was present as well, received a lot of attention.

The classics
Of course in the 14 years this site exists (of which 7 years as a blog) there are a number of classics here as well: posts that score high every year. The absolute all time favorite is my debunking of Islamizing Europe – Muslim Demographics. This post is not the most popular of all time (that is my pornofication post and as a second the one on sex, Arab women and orientalism) and I expect its position as the all time classic will be severely threatened by the R4bia post of this year. The 2012 interview of Veena Malik by Nazima Shaikh also scored high this year (she was in the news, wasn’t she?): Veena Malik: My Pakistan is infamous for many reasons other than me.

Another classic is the interview with John Bowen on France24, I know for a fact that some colleagues use it in the courses they give (I do too): Anthropologist John Bowen – Islam of France. The classic posts in Dutch are Stierf Michael Jackson als moslim? (Did Michael Jackson die as Muslim?). The answer is most likely ‘no’ by the way. And for some reason: Rwina – Stijl in debat. I can’t translate rwina into English but is a Moroccan term referring to absolute chaos and noise people make, in this case during a debate on tv in 2009.

2014
The new year will be an important year.

1. My new project (working together with Annelies Moors and Sarah Bracke) ‘Forces that bind or divide?’ on interventions of Muslims in Dutch society and the islamdebate has already started. Together with our new PhD (more on her soon!) we will start with our research and also with several events that are interesting for a broader public for example an event about 25 years after Rushdie. The Rushdie Affair is only of the conflicts related to the public presence and representation of Islam that have had an enormous impact on European societies over the past decades. These conflicts have triggered debates about the binding or dividing function of religion in secular societies. Whereas most research considers Muslims as the object of integration policies, this project focuses on Muslims as active participants and investigates how their interventions produce ties that bind or divide both between Muslims and non-Muslims and amongst Muslims. Have such interventions contributed to development of a Muslim public sphere? To what extent and along which lines is this public sphere fractured? How does such a Muslim public intersect with other religious and non-religious publics? What transformations have taken place in the binding or dividing force of Islam in the Netherlands?
2. Related to my new research (and that of the PhD in the same project) a new blog will be launched very soon. This will be focused on activism in the Netherlands, monitoring events and debates. Part of it will be in Dutch but the most important issues will be available in English as well.
3. A new book, in Dutch, on Salafism will be published. This book is written by Carmen Becker, Joas Wagemakers and yours truly and is the final product of years of research.
4. In 2014 a report will be published based upon joint research with two other colleagues. And that is all I can say right now. Keep you posted.
5. Most likely in 2014 (God willing) something else will be published as well.
6. An event will be organized dedicated to 25 years after Rushie and 10 years after Van Gogh.
7. For my blog I plan to do a series of reports about doing online research: the usefulness of it as well as its predicaments. This most likely will also involve a Frequently Asked Questions post based upon questions of my interlocutors on Facebook.
8. The Guest Posts section was qualitatively very good this year, in terms of number of authors and visitors however it was less succesful. I will try to change this in 2014.
9. My new research means that more posts will be focused on: efforts by Muslims to put Islamophobia on the anti-racism agenda, debates among Muslims about (proper) activism and the role of women therein. Perhaps I will also include some post with historical topics.
10. In 2014 my website exists 15 years. On 1 March to be exact. I think this calls for a little celebration, don’t you?

Next week I will publish an overview of my academic and professional publications of 2013. For now, I wish all of you and your loved ones the best for 2014. In particular thanks to all my readers and commentators here. But most in particular thanks to all the people I work with in my research online and offline!

0 comments.

Jihadstrijders zijn ook mensen

Posted on December 1st, 2013 by martijn.
Categories: Guest authors, Headline, Public Islam, Religious and Political Radicalization, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Gastauteur: Joas Wagemakers

De recente oproep op Facebook van een Arnhemse moeder om informatie over haar zoon, van wie ze inmiddels weet dat hij naar Syrië is vertrokken om daar wellicht te gaan strijden tegen het regime van President Bashar al-Asad, was schrijnend. De zorg van een moeder om haar zoon snapt iedereen, maar haar verhaal staat in schril contrast met het beeld dat we doorgaans via de media krijgen over jihadstrijders: ideologisch geïnspireerde fanatiekelingen, terroristen, jonge (wellicht misleide) mannen op zoek naar “martelaarschap” en verlangend naar de inmiddels welbekende 72 maagden in het paradijs. Toch lijkt deze moeder uit Arnhem met het alleszins menselijke beeld dat zij schetst van haar zoon dichter bij de realiteit van jihadstrijders te staan dan de beelden die we meestal over hen te zien krijgen.

Op tawhed.ws, een Arabischtalige website die de grootste online bibliotheek van radicaal-islamitische literatuur herbergt, bestaat een forum waar moslims van over de hele wereld om fatwa’s (islamitisch-juridische adviezen) kunnen vragen aan radicale geleerden. Omdat men onder een pseudoniem vragen kan stellen is de anonimiteit gewaarborgd en daarom geeft dit forum een goed beeld van wat er echt leeft onder in ieder geval een deel van de potentiële jihadstrijders. De vragen die gesteld worden op dit forum schetsen, interessant genoeg, een heel menselijk beeld van de jongemannen die maar al te snel als “terroristen” worden neergezet.

Familie

Een van de kwesties die telkens weer naar voren komen in de vragen die moslims met de bereidheid tot jihad stellen is toestemming van de ouders. Veel potentiële Syriëgangers weten dat zij voor bepaalde soorten jihad goedkeuring van hun ouders nodig hebben, maar stellen dat die hen dat absoluut niet geven. Sommigen ervaren dit duidelijk als een probleem en vragen dan ook of ze mogen liegen tegen hun ouders; anderen lijken eerder te hopen op een antwoord dat hen vrijstelt van de jihadplicht en willen weten of ze misschien ook met geld de strijd kunnen steunen. Een persoon gaat zelfs zo ver om te vragen wat de mogelijke excuses zijn om je aan de strijd te onttrekken, kennelijk in de hoop dat er tenminste eentje ook op hem van toepassing is.

Een ander belangrijk onderwerp dat vaak terugkomt in vragen van mogelijke Syriëgangers is de zorg voor hun familie. Velen stellen een arme familie, een zieke vader, een alleenstaande moeder of een vrouw en kinderen te hebben die ze geen van allen zomaar achter kunnen laten. Een persoon vreest dat als hij naar Syrië vertrekt zijn moeder van verdriet zal sterven en een ander zegt dat elke keer als hij over jihad begint zijn vrouw gaat huilen. Weer anderen willen graag trouwen, een baan behouden of hun studie afmaken en zien een reis naar Syrië als een mogelijk obstakel hiervoor. Kennelijk niet bereid om hun thuissituatie en carrière zomaar in de steek te laten, willen ze weten hoe ze in deze situatie moeten handelen.

Iets Doen

Dit alles duidt er niet op dat potentiële Syriëgangers er eigenlijk de kantjes vanaf willen lopen; dat zou geen recht doen aan hun wil om verzet te bieden tegen de oorlog die al-Asad tegen zijn eigen volk voert. Ook wordt hiermee niet ontkend dat er in Syrië door jihadstrijders wel degelijk gruwelijke misdaden worden gepleegd tegen alawieten, christenen en anderen. Het laat echter wel zien dat veel jihadstrijders in wording zich als moslims verplicht voelen “iets” te gaan doen aan de situatie in Syrië, maar tegelijkertijd ook gewoon mensen zijn met hun alledaagse beslommeringen. Hun vragen over jihad tonen dat ze lang niet altijd ideologisch geïnspireerde moordenaars zijn die reikhalzend uitkijken naar het “martelaarschap”, maar ook hun zorgen, twijfels en angsten hebben. Voordat we oordelen over deze “terroristen” is het daarom goed om een vraag in het achterhoofd te houden die op voornoemd forum gesteld werd door een van hen: “Als je gedood wordt tijdens de strijd, ben je dan ook een martelaar als je bang bent om te sterven?”

Joas Wagemakers is onderzoeker en docent aan de Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen, afdeling Islamstudies. Hij deed onderzoek naar de ideologie en invloed van Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi; één van de meest invloedrijke jihadi-salafi denkers. In 2010 promoveerde hij cum laude op dit onderzoek en ontving hij eveneens de Erasmus Studieprijs. In 2012 verscheen zijn boek The Ideology and Influence of Abu Muhammad Al-Maqdisi bij Cambridge University Press. Hij publiceert veel over islamisme in het moderne Midden-Oosten en blogt ook voor Jihadica.com. Dit stuk verscheen eerder in Trouw en is met toestemming van de auteur geplaatst.

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Film & PhD – Moroccan Women Today: New Perspectives

Posted on November 19th, 2013 by martijn.
Categories: anthropology, Gender, Kinship & Marriage Issues, Ritual and Religious Experience, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Moroccan Women Today: New Perspectives

November 29^th, 2013

You are kindly invited to attend

I.

‘Female Religious Agents In Morocco: Old Practices and New Perspectives’

11.00  / Dissertation defense  –  Mrs. A. Ouguir

Location: Aula – Oude Lutherse kerk / Singel 411, Amsterdam

Aziza Ouguir will defend her doctoral dissertation, written in the context of the NWO project ‘Women & Islam: New Perspectives,’ on the history and contemporary reception of female saints in Morocco. Ouguir shows the continuation of female religious agency among women in Morocco that counters conventional images of Moroccan Muslim women as victims of patriarchal religious ideologies.

(Promoters:  Prof. dr. mr. R. Peters, Prof. dr. F. Sadiqi  /  co-promoter: dr. K.V. Q. Vintges)

&                    

II.

Moroccan Women Today

19.00 – 21.00 / Presentation of the documentary ‘Women Today: Morocco 2013’

Location: Doelenzaal – Universiteitsbibliotheek (UvA) / Singel 425, Amsterdam

The film gives voice to a number of Moroccan women in their attempt to develop new female emancipatory visions. Which vocabularies and sources do Moroccan women’s organizations make use of? How do Moroccan women today appropriate and / or  reinterpret religious and other cultural traditions so as to underpin women’s participation and rights? Is there or isn’t there a cooperative spirit among women in Morocco that may serve other communities?

Presentation of the documentary ‘Women Today: Morocco 2013’ summarizing the results of the NWO project ‘Women & Islam: New Perspectives’, by film director Nuria Andreu  and project leader Karen Vintges. After the screening there will be a debate with Fatima Sadiqi, Moha Ennaji – both from the University of Fes – and Aziza Ouguir, who are interviewed in the documentary. The film is in English, with Dutch subtitles.

The language of both events is English

Research team ‘Women & Islam: New Perspectives’:

Universiteit van Amsterdam: Dr. K.V.Q. Vintges / Prof. R. Peters / PhD candidate A. Ouguir

Rijksuniversiteit Groningen: Dr. M.W. Buitelaar / Prof. T.H. Zock / PhD candidate F. Ballah

University of Fes / Morocco: Prof. F. Sadiqi, Prof. M. Ennaji

Contact:  k.v.q.vintges@uva.nl

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Film & PhD – Moroccan Women Today: New Perspectives

Posted on November 19th, 2013 by martijn.
Categories: anthropology, Gender, Kinship & Marriage Issues, Ritual and Religious Experience, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Moroccan Women Today: New Perspectives

November 29^th, 2013

You are kindly invited to attend

I.

‘Female Religious Agents In Morocco: Old Practices and New Perspectives’

11.00  / Dissertation defense  –  Mrs. A. Ouguir

Location: Aula – Oude Lutherse kerk / Singel 411, Amsterdam

Aziza Ouguir will defend her doctoral dissertation, written in the context of the NWO project ‘Women & Islam: New Perspectives,’ on the history and contemporary reception of female saints in Morocco. Ouguir shows the continuation of female religious agency among women in Morocco that counters conventional images of Moroccan Muslim women as victims of patriarchal religious ideologies.

(Promoters:  Prof. dr. mr. R. Peters, Prof. dr. F. Sadiqi  /  co-promoter: dr. K.V. Q. Vintges)

&                    

II.

Moroccan Women Today

19.00 – 21.00 / Presentation of the documentary ‘Women Today: Morocco 2013’

Location: Doelenzaal – Universiteitsbibliotheek (UvA) / Singel 425, Amsterdam

The film gives voice to a number of Moroccan women in their attempt to develop new female emancipatory visions. Which vocabularies and sources do Moroccan women’s organizations make use of? How do Moroccan women today appropriate and / or  reinterpret religious and other cultural traditions so as to underpin women’s participation and rights? Is there or isn’t there a cooperative spirit among women in Morocco that may serve other communities?

Presentation of the documentary ‘Women Today: Morocco 2013’ summarizing the results of the NWO project ‘Women & Islam: New Perspectives’, by film director Nuria Andreu  and project leader Karen Vintges. After the screening there will be a debate with Fatima Sadiqi, Moha Ennaji – both from the University of Fes – and Aziza Ouguir, who are interviewed in the documentary. The film is in English, with Dutch subtitles.

The language of both events is English

Research team ‘Women & Islam: New Perspectives’:

Universiteit van Amsterdam: Dr. K.V.Q. Vintges / Prof. R. Peters / PhD candidate A. Ouguir

Rijksuniversiteit Groningen: Dr. M.W. Buitelaar / Prof. T.H. Zock / PhD candidate F. Ballah

University of Fes / Morocco: Prof. F. Sadiqi, Prof. M. Ennaji

Contact:  k.v.q.vintges@uva.nl

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Dutch Foreign Fighters – Some Testimonials from the Syrian Front (part II: Abu Walae)

Posted on November 13th, 2013 by martijn.
Categories: Activism, Guest authors, Headline, Religious and Political Radicalization, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

Guest Author: Pieter van Ostaeyen

The Story of 28 year old Chokri Massali – Abu Walae
Died on Sunday July 28

In an earlier post I presented you the story of Abu Baseer, who died in the Battle of Khan Touman. Here is the story of one of his older brothers, who died only a few months later.

Abu Walae and two other brothers from the Netherlands were waiting for Iftaar in their base camp, when via the radio they heard that a group of Mujahideen was surrounded by al-Assad’s troops in a village nearby. The brothers quickly prepared for battle and left camp. When they arrived on the scene they were immediately fired upon by snipers. Nonetheless the war party breached the enemy ranks; after heavy fighting Abu Walae and ten other brothers were ordered to control the left flank of the occupied village.

It was a pitch dark night; they only had limited sight on the frontline. After a little while they stumbled upon Bashar’s troops and opened fire. Abu Walae turned his weapon on automatic and stormed forward; he almost immediately took a bullet through the head. This action, led by Abu Walae, resulted in the death of all 22 enemy soldiers. On our side only Abu Walae got killed, another brother got shot in his leg. Abu Walae never feard the Kufar, he was a brave man …

A man asked: “Who is the superior Martyr?” The Prophet answered: “Those who stand in the line of battle and do not turn their heads until they die. They will dwell in highest region of Paradise, their Lord will smile at them. And when Allah smiles at one, there will be no reckoning on Judgement Day.” [at-Targheeb wa’t-Tarheeb]

Earlier this week, in the wonderful battle of Khan Asal in which the life of our Belgian brother Abu Mujahid was taken, several brothers witnessed Abu Walae killing six or seven soldiers all by himself. In the end we took over the town, killing about 250 Kufar.

When the Mujahideen captured soldiers of Bashar’s army on the battle field of Khan Asal, Abu Walae offered one of the captives some of his soft drink; laughing “They don’t even realize they’ll get a one way ticket to hell.” He told another soldier “hey, I know you ! Aren’t you one of the Mujahideen from our group ?” The soldier thought he found a way to escape death and replied “yes, that’s right ! I was in your group but they captured me at the checkpoint and made me fight you guys.” Abu Walae turned to one of the brothers: “Put your weapon on automatic and shoot this guy …”

Abu Walae prayed to God frequently, asking Him to kill lots of enemies before dying as a martyr himself. He dreamt of being united in Paradise with his younger brother Abu Baseer. And Insha’allah his prayers have been answered in this Holy month of Ramadan. May these two martyred brothers be offered the favors of the Shuhadaa. What an honor for this family to have two of their sons martyred.

For a Mujahid it is very important to be tolerant towards others, for in this Jihad you will be meeting people from different nations, with different habits and cultures. Furthermore you are in a completely different country, far away from life as you knew it. You have to adapt to the situation and the variety of people you will deal with. If you do not have an open heart and are impatient then you will probably not persevere this Jihad. It is during Jihad that you will truly get to know your comrades; it is here your true friends will be revealed.

One may believe the only thing you will deal with in Jihad are bullets and shelling. A Mujahid however must also stand hunger, pain, insomnia. He must be patient with the people he meets and has to adapt to a whole new situation. Sometimes you will have to stay put for weeks, enduring hunger, cold, rain … This asks for endurance and patience.

I knew Abu Walae for years, he was my best friend. I knew him for years at home and I got to know him better, thousands of kilometers away from home, fighting on the Syrian battle field. It was an honor to get to know him better whilst fighting together. He was a great man, he became even more exalted in Jihad. The same goes for all the other brothers I knew back home and here, both in good as in harder times. Me and Abu Walae were friends, for five years we shared everything. We left for Syria together, we followed each other from basecamp to basecamp, we fought side by side on the battle field. We shared everything, every day with him was a pleasure. We spent many hours at nights sitting together drinking tea or coffee, talking with other brothers. Daily we talked about Martyrdom and how it would be like to die like a Shaheed. He always stated firmly “if that bullet comes, so be it.”

Abu Walae was a well-informed brother, his Arabic was excellent and both at home as in Syria he was very involved with Dawah. He offered help to other brothers translating Arabic for them. If the brothers had any questions, he patiently took his time to explain everything in length. He did this in a humble way, never humiliating them with his knowledge. Other wise people could learn from Abu Walae. He was straightforward in his words yet easily forgiving.

Jihad without patience is impossible and our brother Abu Walae was a very patient man. Here you have to cope by yourself; there is no loving mother here cooking and washing for you. Here you learn to be independent. Jihad is a school of life; it’s not only fighting, you learn to be obedient and disciplined. If you fail to be patient, if you do not have these virtues, you will fail in Jihad. In a way your Jihad starts before you leave for the battle field. You will have to fight your own will, your doubts and fears. You will be in two minds, thinking about your family, you will worry. You have to be strong to overcome these feelings and to take the next step.

Abu Walae enjoyed Jihad even despite the hardship and sacrifices. Those who didn’t wage Jihad will hardly understand but for Muslims here’s a comparison. The Holy Month of Ramadan means fasting during the day and praying at night time. Both the fasting and praying are hard to endure, yet we see Ramadan as a time of joy, time flies by because of this. The same stands for Jihad; as in Ramadan, we are surrounded with brothers and close friends, you feel close to Allah.

It is quite evident why Abu Walae enjoyed Jihad. Jihad bestows the Ummah with life and nobleness, it is a source of victories for the Muslims. As we witnessed, leaving Jihad means indignation and dismay. Although at times you will have no food, no shelter, sleeping under trees or on a concrete floor, the Mujahid feels joy and satisfaction. Compare this with living in the West, where, despite having all they need, people live in sorrow and depression.

About a month ago, a brother had a dream about Abu Walae. He saw him drinking and asked what it was. Abu Walae said he was drinking the wine of Paradise. This brother saw this dream as a prediction of his Martyrdom. He later talked Abu Walae about this dream and Abu Walae answered that there was no worth in this life, that he wanted to be with Allah. Indeed a few weeks later Abu Walae was martyred.

Abu Walae’s mother had a similar dream. She saw her son entering the living room wearing his qamis, his gun over his left shoulder. He approached his mother and embraced her firmly. “My son, did you return?” “No,” he said, “I came to see you and will go back.” This dream was like a confirmation for his family that Abu Walae would die as a Martyr.

My family told me about the faith and perseverance the family of Abu Walae shows. This mother sacrificed two of her sons and when Allah will ask her what she did in her life she can tell Him she raised two sons whom she sacrificed for Allah’s cause. How many are there who can claim that these days ? Is there a greater sacrifice any mother can make ? May Allah protect her and unite her with her two martyred sons in Paradise.

If parents in the Netherlands love their children, they shouldn’t stand between them and Paradise. Indeed, they should give their children the example by first sending in the fathers to fight Jihad. Abu Walae cared deeply for his mother, he understood why for Islam it is so important to take good care of your mother. If he heard about one of the brothers not calling home for a long time, he would reprimand them. He would talk to the brother and convince him to call home. He was one of the brothers who took good care for the younger brothers from The Netherlands.

We ask Allah to accept our brother as a Martyr and to reunite us all in Paradise. Oh Allah, favor us with martyrdom and take our blood, our possessions, our effort and our sacrifices until it favors you.

Your Brothers from Bilad as-Sham

Pieter van Ostaeyen is a Belgian historian, Arabist and islamicist on current affairs in the Middle East. He is also active on Twitter: @p_vanostaeyen. This post was previously pbulished on Jihadology.net and is also to be found on his own blog. This is the second of a series of articles on Dutch foreign fighters in Syria. You can read the first here.

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Judith Butler & Cornel West: Honoring Edward Said

Posted on November 12th, 2013 by martijn.
Categories: anthropology, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

On the Tenth Anniversary of Edward Said’s passing, renowned scholars Judith Butler and Cornell West discuss what it means to be a public intellectual and Edward Said’s impact on the academic discourse of Palestine.

Introduction
Lila Abu Lughod, Director of the Middle East Institute and Professor of Anthropology & Gender Studies, Columbia University

Moderator
James Schamus, Professor of Professional Practice, School of the Arts, Columbia University

Judith Butler is a leading scholar in the fields of ethics, political philosophy, feminist philosophy and queer theory. Visiting Professor of the Humanities at Columbia University and Maxine Elliot Professor in the Department of Comparative Literature and the Program for Critical Theory at the University of California, Berkeley. Butler is the recipient of the Mellon Award for Distinguished Scholarship in the Humanities. Author of many influential books from Gender Trouble to Precarious Lives, her most recent book is Parting Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism. She is active in gender and sexual politics and human rights, anti-war politics, and a board member of Jewish Voice for Peace.

Cornel West is a prominent academic and provocative democratic intellectual, activist, and author. Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at Union Theological Seminary, he is emeritus from Princeton University. West has written 20 books on the subjects of race, gender and class in America including the influential Race Matters. Co-host of the popular radio show “Smiley & West” and co-author of a new book titled The Rich and the Rest of Us: A Poverty Manifesto, West keeps alive the legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr. – a legacy of telling the truth and bearing witness to love and justice.

Sponsored by the Center for Palestine Studies (CPS) with the generous support of the Institute for Research in African American Studies (IRAAS) and the Anthropology Department, as well as the Middle East Institute (MEI), Heyman Center for the Humanities, Institute for Research on Women and Gender (IRWAG), Center for International History (CIH), Center for the Study of Ethnicity and Race (CSER) and the Institute for Comparative Literature and Society (ICLS).

From: Center of Palestine Studies

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Judith Butler & Cornel West: Honoring Edward Said

Posted on November 12th, 2013 by martijn.
Categories: anthropology, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

On the Tenth Anniversary of Edward Said’s passing, renowned scholars Judith Butler and Cornell West discuss what it means to be a public intellectual and Edward Said’s impact on the academic discourse of Palestine.

Introduction
Lila Abu Lughod, Director of the Middle East Institute and Professor of Anthropology & Gender Studies, Columbia University

Moderator
James Schamus, Professor of Professional Practice, School of the Arts, Columbia University

Judith Butler is a leading scholar in the fields of ethics, political philosophy, feminist philosophy and queer theory. Visiting Professor of the Humanities at Columbia University and Maxine Elliot Professor in the Department of Comparative Literature and the Program for Critical Theory at the University of California, Berkeley. Butler is the recipient of the Mellon Award for Distinguished Scholarship in the Humanities. Author of many influential books from Gender Trouble to Precarious Lives, her most recent book is Parting Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism. She is active in gender and sexual politics and human rights, anti-war politics, and a board member of Jewish Voice for Peace.

Cornel West is a prominent academic and provocative democratic intellectual, activist, and author. Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at Union Theological Seminary, he is emeritus from Princeton University. West has written 20 books on the subjects of race, gender and class in America including the influential Race Matters. Co-host of the popular radio show “Smiley & West” and co-author of a new book titled The Rich and the Rest of Us: A Poverty Manifesto, West keeps alive the legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr. – a legacy of telling the truth and bearing witness to love and justice.

Sponsored by the Center for Palestine Studies (CPS) with the generous support of the Institute for Research in African American Studies (IRAAS) and the Anthropology Department, as well as the Middle East Institute (MEI), Heyman Center for the Humanities, Institute for Research on Women and Gender (IRWAG), Center for International History (CIH), Center for the Study of Ethnicity and Race (CSER) and the Institute for Comparative Literature and Society (ICLS).

From: Center of Palestine Studies

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A Discourse on Terrorism: The Concept of Terrorism and Its Use in the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict

Posted on November 4th, 2013 by martijn.
Categories: International Terrorism, Society & Politics in the Middle East.

In this special one hour episode of Palestine Studies TV host Clea Thouin sits down with Remi Brulin, Research Fellow and Adjunct Associate Professor at New York University, for an in depth discussion on the many different concepts and definitions of terrorism, the history and use of the term over the last four decades in international politics, as well as how these concepts and definitions have been used by all sides in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

Palestine Studies TV is a project of the Institute for Palestine Studies.

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