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Nieuw boek: 'Salafisme. Utopische idealen in een weerbarstige praktijk'

Posted on May 9th, 2014 by martijn.
Categories: [Online] Publications, Headline, Islam in the Netherlands, Murder on theo Van Gogh and related issues, My Research, Religious and Political Radicalization, Ritual and Religious Experience, Society & Politics in the Middle East, Young Muslims.

Woensdag 14 mei verschijnt bij Uitgeverij Parthenon het boek dat ik samen met mijn collega’s van de afdeling Islamstudies van de Radboud Universiteit, Joas Wagemakers en Carmen Becker, heb geschreven: Salafisme. Utopische idealen in een weerbarstige praktijk.

Hoe ben je een goede moslim?
Wat salafisten gemeen hebben, is dat zij proberen om de profeet Mohammed en de eerste generaties moslims na hem zo nauwkeurig mogelijk te volgen. Maar hoe ben je een goede, vrome moslim? Daar zijn uiteenlopende, soms tegenstrijdige ideeën over. Bijvoorbeeld: zijn strikte kledingvoorschriften enorm belangrijk of leidt die nadruk op uiterlijkheden af van de spiritualiteit? Is geloof een persoonlijk project, dat deelname aan de samenleving niet in de weg staat, of moet je je zo afzijdig mogelijk houden? ‘Er zijn tegenwoordig zelfs salafisten die oproepen om te stemmen. Daar krijgen ze zware kritiek op van anderen, want je zo actief bemoeien met wereldlijk gezag zou een stap op weg naar het ongeloof zijn.. Het is me door ons onderzoek veel duidelijker geworden dat salafist zijn vaak een worsteling is. Tegelijkertijd maakt dat harde werken ook een belangrijk deel uit van een goede moslim zijn.

Populair na ‘9/11’
In de jaren na ‘9/11’ nam de populariteit van het salafisme wereldwijd toe. Toch is de stroming overal, behalve in Saoedi-Arabië, nog altijd een minderheid binnen de islam. In Nederland zou volgens Amsterdams onderzoek zo’n 8 tot 10 procent van de moslimbevolking , dus ongeveer 80.000 mensen, geïnteresseerd kunnen zijn in een stroming als het salafisme – ‘met zo veel slagen om de arm is dat het meest exacte cijfer dat we hebben’.

Theo van Gogh
In Nederland leidde de moord op Theo van Gogh, in 2004, tot een piek in de belangstelling. ‘Deels was dat nieuwsgierigheid, maar er zit ook wat rebels in salafisme. De publieke reacties op orthodoxe moslims waren scherp, destijds. En dan krijg je een tegenreactie: als salafisten denken te worden aangevallen op hun geloof, kunnen ze fel uit de hoek komen. De laatste jaren, hebben mijn collega’s en ik de indruk, is het aantal bezoekers bij bijeenkomsten voor salafisten behoorlijk stabiel.

Arabische Lente
Het boek besteedt ook aandacht aan de gevolgen van de Arabische Lente, die de apolitieke ideeën van veel salafisten behoorlijk op z’n kop hebben gezet. Moesten salafisten langs de kant blijven staan terwijl allerlei regimes omver geworpen werden of moesten ze toch politiek actief worden? Hoewel salafisten vaak bekend staan als rigide, zijn ze in sommige gevallen uiterst flexibel met deze nieuwe uitdaging omgegaan.

Wat moeten we ermee?

Het boek Salafisme. Utopische idealen in een weerbarstige praktijk verschijnt bij Uitgeverij Parthenon en wordt op woensdag 14 mei in Nijmegen gepresenteerd in het Soeterbeeck Programma ‘Salafisme, wat moeten we ermee?’ (lezing en discussie met onder andere Ineke Roex en Roel Meijer, onder leiding van Jan Jaap de Ruiter van de Universiteit van Tilburg).

Datum: woensdag 14 mei 2014

Tijd: van 19:30 tot 21:30

Locatie: Huize Heyendael, Geert Grooteplein-Noord 9, Nijmegen

Organisator: Soeterbeeck Programma
Voor meer informatie over het programma zie HIER. Aanmelden is noodzakelijk, dat kan HIER.

Te verkrijgen vanaf 14 mei
Bij de bekende boekhandels onder andere:
Atheneum Amsterdam
Boekhandel Roelants Nijmegen
Bol.com
Boek.be

Lees de inleiding

1 comment.

Nieuw boek: ‘Salafisme. Utopische idealen in een weerbarstige praktijk’

Wat moeten we ermee?

Datum: woensdag 14 mei 2014

Tijd: van 19:30 tot 21:30

Locatie: Huize Heyendael, Geert Grooteplein-Noord 9, Nijmegen

Organisator: Soeterbeeck Programma
Voor meer informatie over het programma zie HIER. Aanmelden is noodzakelijk, dat kan HIER.

Te verkrijgen vanaf 14 mei
Bij de bekende boekhandels onder andere:
Atheneum Amsterdam
Boekhandel Roelants Nijmegen
Bol.com
Boek.be

Lees de inleiding

1 comment.

Theologisch debat – Dialoog en geloof in actie

Posted on June 15th, 2011 by martijn.
Categories: [Online] Publications, Important Publications, ISIM/RU Research, Multiculti Issues.

Het tijdschrift Theologisch Debat doet haar naam eer aan en heeft een debatsectie; ditmaal over interreligieuze dialoog. De opening wordt verzorgd door kersverse hoogleraar interreligieuze dialoog Marcel Poorthuis. Andere artikelen zijn van Gé Speelman (Een integere en respectvolle dialoog – Opmerkingen bij de Islamnota van de PKN), Bernhard Reitsma (Wat er achter de dialoog schuil gaat) en van uw blogger en antropoloog: Dialoog en Geloof in Actie.

Inleiding

In zijn artikel gaat Marcel Poorthuis in op het ‘eigene van de dialoog tussen godsdiensten’. Volgens Poorthuis zijn mensen weliswaar door de secularisatie ‘vervreemd van hun eigen religie en kerk’, maar dat betekent niet dat er geen belangstelling is voor religie. Die belangstelling kenmerkt zich echter door een hoog knip- en plakgehalte waarbij mensen hun eigen religieuze repertoire van voorstellingen en praktijken in elkaar zetten zonder oog voor de tradities en zonder enig gevoel voor de sociale verbanden van het jodendom, christendom en islam. Deze postmoderne houding zoals hij dit noemt bedreigt de interreligieuze dialoog. Gé Speelman heeft in dit nummer hier al uitstekend commentaar opgeleverd. Ik ga in mijn bijdrage in op de andere hindernis voor religieuze dialoog die Poorthuis ziet: fundamentalisme. Volgens hem is fundamentalisme het tegendeel van dialoog om dat ‘de ander daarin louter als ketter en vijand verschijnt, zonder enige verwantschap’.

Wat ik wil betogen is dat Poorthuis er een heel specifiek religiebegrip op na houdt dat heel gesloten is doordat het uitgaat van de vraag tot welke religie mensen zich rekenen en welke bijbehorende geloofsvoorstellingen mensen hebben. De vragen hoe mensen geloven en waarin mensen geloven komt niet aan de orde. Daardoor mist hij dat de waarde van interreligieuze dialoog (in het algemeen) niet ligt in uitwisselingen over religieuze doctrines, religieuze overtuigingen en geschiedenis, maar, zo betoog ik hier, in sociale relaties. En daar zouden zelfs fundamentalisten een rol in kunnen spelen. Allereerst zal ik verder ingaan op het specifieke religiebegrip van Poorthuis. Om dit verder te concretiseren geef ik vervolgens een korte schets geven van de activiteiten onder moslims met betrekking tot interreligieuze dialoog waarna ik aan de hand van voorbeelden in Gouda en Roermond me richt op de vraag wat interreligieuze dialoog te maken heeft met hoe mensen geloven en meer specifiek met hoe fundamentalisten ( salafisten’) geloven.

Theologisch Debat wordt uitgegeven door Uitgeverij Kok en zit tegenwoordig ook op twitter: Theologisch Debat.
De bijdrage van Poorthuis is gebaseerd op zijn oratie die u HIER kunt lezen. Op Republiek Allochtonië een verkorte weergave van die oratie: Dialoog tussen de religies: toekomst of verleden tijd?

1 comment.

Award for anthropologist Jan Blommaert: Language, Asylum and the National Order

Posted on November 30th, 2010 by martijn.
Categories: [Online] Publications, anthropology, Multiculti Issues.

Jan Blommaert has been awarded with the first Barbara Metzger Prize for his article Language, Asylum, and the National Order published in the journal Current Anthropology in August 2009 (vol. 50, no. 4). Jan Blommaert is professor of language, culture and globalization at Tilburg University, the Netherlands and professor in African linguistics and sociolinguistics at Ghent University in Belgium.

The prize has been established by the Wenner-Gren Foundation to be given annually to the article in Current Anthropology that:
Wenner-Gren Announces the Barbara Metzger Prize | The Wenner Gren Foundation

best represents the journal’s longstanding commitment to good writing. Sol Tax, the founding editor of the journal, emphasized that the papers published in Current Anthropology should reach and interest as wide an audience as possible within anthropology, a field with global reach that includes various sub-disciplines. To achieve this aim, Tax set high standards for prose. He sought clear and concise expression of ideas, of fact and of opinion. He welcomed the appropriate use of technical language and discouraged unnecessary jargon.

For many years, Barbara Metzger, the journal’s distinguished copy editor, worked closely with authors to promote these values. The result of her dedicated efforts has been a journal recognized around the world for the lucid and articulate presentation of a wide variety of forms of anthropological scholarship. Following her retirement, the Foundation has created the Barbara Metzger Prize to carry her work forward. It will be awarded annually to the article, report or forum that most fully embodies these standards of writing.

In his article Blommaert probes the way in which officials try to ascertain the authenticity of those seeking asylum in Western Europe:Chicago Journals – Current Anthropology

This paper discusses modernist reactions to postmodern realities. Asylum seekers in Western Europe—people typically inserted into postmodern processes of globalization—are routinely subjected to identification analyses that emphasize the national order. The paper documents the case of a Rwandan refugee in the United Kingdom whose nationality was disputed by the Home Office because of his “abnormal” linguistic repertoire. An analysis of that repertoire, however, supports the applicant’s credibility. The theoretical problematic opposes two versions of sociolinguistics: a sociolinguistics of languages, used by the Home Office, and a sociolinguistics of speech and repertoires, used in this paper. The realities of modern reactions to postmodern phenomena must be taken into account as part of the postmodern phenomenology of language in society.

Blommaert’s analysis suggests that the final decision – which may be a matter of life or death – may come down to judgments about language. His analysis is based upon the case of an asylum seeker from Rwanda, Joseph Mutingra, in the UK. Officials sometimes rely on assumptions about linguistic competence of asylum seekers that may be inaccurate when applied to citizens of often multi-lingual communities. These officials appear to rely on the assumption that the dominant language in the country of the asylum seeker is the standard by which an individual’s application to be evaluated, rendering many asylum applications futile from the start. Mutingira has a low command of Kinyarwanda (Rwanda’s dominant language) because in his childhood he spoke English at home. This is not uncommon but caused the official questioning him to identify him as a non-native speaker. The dominant language is perceived as a neutral standard but Blommaert shows it is based upon questionable assumptions. He urges instead a sociolinguistics of speech and linguistic repertoire more sensitive to the lived experience of the people who are seeking asylum and to link the language that is being used not only to a particular geographic area but also to time (and/or a personal life history) because the relationship between area of origin and use of language is far less clear than assumed – in particular in times of large migration movements and diasporas causing languages to move beyond borders and nations. Particular touching in Blommaert’s account of Mutingira’s story is how language plays an important role in people’s live and their prospects for the future. Mutingra flees after his family has been murdered and because he picks up bits and pieces of languages on the road, he is frequently seen as an enemy with terrible consequences. Mutingra does not fit into the neat categorizations of local standards of language and as a result is ‘exposed’ as suspect every time.

His article is a fine example of good anthropological research and the art of writing while being highly relevant for debates on migration, asylum and migration policies.
You can read the full article here:
Current Anthropology, vol. 50, no. 4, August 2009 – Language, Asylum, and the National Order by Jan Blommaert
Text here is based upon my impression of the article and the press release of Wenner-Gren Foundation and the Dutch press release of Tilburg University

I hereby congratulate Professor Blommaert with a wonderful and fascinating article and for winning this award.

2 comments.

IMES Rapport – Salafisme in Nederland. Aard, omvang en dreiging

Posted on September 24th, 2010 by martijn.
Categories: [Online] Publications, Important Publications, Religious and Political Radicalization.

Vandaag vindt de presentatie plaats van het rapport ‘Salafisme in Nederland. Aard, omvang en dreiging’. Onderzoekers van het Instituut voor Migratie en Etnische Studies (IMES) aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam (UvA) onderzochten daartoe maandenlang de salafistische (streng orthodoxe islamitische) gemeenschap in Nederland, en bekeken de mate van orthodoxie in de gehele Nederlandse moslimgemeenschap. Het onderzoek is uitgevoerd in opdracht van het Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek- en Documentatiecentrum van het Ministerie van Justitie op verzoek van de Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding.

Hoewel er met grote regelmaat negatief wordt gesproken over de streng orthodoxe islamitische gemeenschap in Nederland, was het tot nog toe gissen naar aard, omvang en de daadwerkelijke dreiging ervan. Het ontbrak namelijk aan gedegen kennis over deze gemeenschap. Het rapport Salafisme in Nederland. Aard, omvang en dreiging, het resultaat van tien maanden veldwerk binnen de salafistische gemeenschap en 1103 interviews met een representatieve groep van Nederlandse moslims (in samenwerking met het Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek), moet die leegte vullen.

Vragen die aan bod komen zijn onder meer: Hoe ziet de salafistische gemeenschap in Nederland er eigenlijk uit en hoeveel streng orthodoxe moslims zijn er? In hoeverre is er sprake van radicalisme en extremisme binnen deze gemeenschap en staat integratie op het spel? Hoe staan streng orthodoxe moslims tegenover de rol van geweld bij het verwezenlijken van hun religieuze idealen? In hoeverre moeten we islamitische orthodoxie opvatten als een bedreiging voor de Nederlandse democratie?
Auteurs

De onderzoekers en auteurs van het rapport zijn Ineke Roex, Sjef van Stiphout en Jean Tillie van het IMES aan de UvA. Ineke Roex is antropologe en verrichtte eerder veldwerk onder de Arabisch-Europese Liga in België. Sjef van Stiphout is politicoloog en thans als onderzoeker verbonden aan een internationaal vergelijkend onderzoek naar de islam in Europa (EURISLAM). Jean Tillie is bijzonder hoogleraar Electorale Politiek aan de UvA en publiceerde eerder over de politieke participatie van migranten en radicalisme en extremisme onder (Amsterdamse) moslims. De onderzoekers zijn tevens verbonden aan het AISSR (Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research) en de programmagroep Challenges to Democratic Representation.

Waarom een studie naar salafisme?

Sinds de aanslagen in New York op de Twin Towers en de moord op Theo van Gogh door Mohammed Bouyeri is islamitisch radicalisme in Nederland een belangrijk onderwerp in het publieke en politieke debat. In dit debat worden salafisme en radicalisering steeds vaker in één adem genoemd. De basis van het salafisme is het streven naar een moreel sociaal herstel door terug te keren naar de religieuze bronnen: de Koran en de Sunna.

Belangrijke conclusies

Deze studie concludeert dat er geen sprake is van radicalisering binnen de salafistische gemeenschap in Nederland en dat zij geen bedreiging vormt voor de Nederlandse democratie. Salafistische organisaties vormen eerder nog een buffer doordat zij geweldscomponenten afkeuren. Radicalisering in de zin van de actieve bereidheid om geweld te gebruiken vindt dan ook plaats buiten de salafistische organisaties.

Van de verschillende stromingen in het salafisme, blijken politieke salafi’s in Nederland het meest zichtbaar. Zij zijn politiek en maatschappelijk geëngageerd en voorstander van vernieuwingen die ten goede kunnen komen aan de geloofsgemeenschap. Predikers wijzen geweld af en streven niet naar invoering van de Sharia (strenge moslimwetten) in Nederland. Uit het veldwerk onder de salafistische gemeenschap doemt een beeld op van een ‘gewone’ orthodoxe beweging en is er geen indicatie te vinden voor radicalisering.

Uit de survey blijkt dat 8 procent van de Nederlandse Moslims volgens hun definitie als streng orthodox kan worden gezien en gevoelig is voor salafisme, wat gelijk staat aan zo’n 53.000 mensen. Streng orthodoxen blijken niet gevoelig voor extremisme en neigen niet tot politiek activisme. Ze hebben niet de neiging om te handelen, maar om passief te ondersteunen. Wel gaat een hogere mate van orthodoxie samen met een grotere geweldslegitimatie en een theocratisch ideaal.

Opzet van het onderzoek

Via veldwerk, netwerkanalyse en een grootschalig survey is de mate van orthodoxie en de gevoeligheid voor salafisme in de gehele Nederlandse moslimgemeenschap onderzocht. Het veldwerk werd verricht in en rondom de As-Soennah moskee in Den Haag, de El-Fourkaan moskee in Eindhoven, de organisatie Alfeth in Roermond en op enkele andere locaties in Nederland. De netwerkanalyse is uitgevoerd onder islamitische organisaties in Nederland die bij de Kamer van Koophandel stonden geregistreerd (totaal 1300 organisaties en 13.000 bestuursleden). De steekproef voor de survey, tenslotte, is getrokken door het Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek (CBS). In totaal hebben 1103 personen deelgenomen aan het onderzoek.

Het onderzoek is uitgevoerd in opdracht van het Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek- en Documentatiecentrum van het Ministerie van Justitie op verzoek van de Nationaal Coördinator Terrorismebestrijding.

Bron: hier en hier.

Ik ga voorlopig nog even geen inhoudelijke reactie geven om de simpele reden dat ik het nog niet gelezen heb. U kunt het rapport HIER downloaden.

2 comments.

PEW – Muslim Networks and Movements in Western-Europe

Posted on September 18th, 2010 by martijn.
Categories: [Online] Publications, Important Publications, Religious and Political Radicalization, Young Muslims.

A new report by the Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life, “Muslim Networks and Movements in Western Europe,” profiles several of the oldest, largest and most influential Muslim groups operating in Western Europe today. The report focuses on transnational networks and movements whose origins lie in the Muslim world but that now have an established presence in Western Europe, and examines how such movements seek to influence the views and daily lives of Muslims living there. The selected groups represent the diverse histories, missions and organizational structures found among Muslim organizations in Western Europe. These include: the Gülen Movement; the Muslim Brotherhood and Jama?at-i Islami; the Muslim World League and World Assembly of Muslim Youth; Jihadi Networks and Hizb ut-Tahrir; Sufi Orders; and Tablighi Jama?at. The report explores the groups’ origins, purposes and activities, offering a detailed look at their differing religious and political agendas, as well as their views on religious law, religious education and the assimilation of Muslims into European society.

“Muslim Networks and Movements in Western Europe” also examines how European governments are interacting with these groups, the relationships between the groups themselves, and future challenges these networks and movements face, particularly in regard to generational shifts in the leadership and membership ranks.

Some of the report’s findings include:

Although many Muslims in Western Europe participate in the activities of these movements and networks, the groups’ formal membership rolls appear to be relatively small. Despite the low levels of formal membership, these groups often exert significant influence by setting agendas and shaping debates within Muslim communities in Western Europe.
The growing connections between Islamic groups and European governments, as well as the integration of some of these groups into the continent’s political mainstream, have not led to a decrease in activism on the part of these groups. If anything, Muslim groups and movements have become more visible on the European political stage.
Partly in reaction to the growth and visibility of Muslim movements in Western Europe, Christian and Jewish organizations in the region also have attracted more public attention in recent years and taken on renewed relevance in the eyes of some Europeans. In that sense, Muslim groups, collectively, may be helping to create more space for religion in general in the European public square.
Most, if not all, of the Muslim movements and networks with a significant presence in Western Europe can also be found in North America.

It appears that the report tries to beyond the focus on radicalization and/or anti-integration tendencies (several of the groups in the report are often linked to that) and to provide a better understanding of how these transnational networks and movements try to influence views and daily lives of Muslims in Western Europe. The report does provide us with a some insight into whether or not each group tends to shy away from extremism and stimulate integration, but it does not give any clue if one of these groups is directly tied to terrorism which, according to Peter Mandaville (the author of the report), is impossible to tell. I agree with him on that since, as he argues as well, a movement’s goals and activities may not be directed at supporting or promoting terrorism (and can even be anti-extremism) but this says nothing about individuals. Moreover since many Muslims do not exactly know what the political outlook is of many of these networks (and be driven to it for other reasons such as their ethnic and regional identities), their participation in it does not necessarily mean that they endorse such views. Also many people often participate, simultaneously, in activities of different groups.

There is no reference to the Netherlands in this report with the exception of a chart that show the distribution of Muslims in Western Europe and a table with the number of Muslims in Western Europe. And with the exception of the Gülen Movement:
Gülen Movement

The Gülen movement refers to a cluster of religious, educational and social organizations founded and inspired by Fethullah Gülen, a Turkish Islamic scholar, author and speaker now in his late 60s. The movement strives to give faithful Muslims the secular education they need to thrive in the modern world. At the same time, it also emphasizes the importance of traditional religious teachings. To this end, the movement has inspired the creation of a worldwide network of schools and other centers of learning that focus on secular subjects in the classroom but also offer extracurricular programs that emphasize religious themes. […]The Gülen movement generally shies away from building ties with other Muslim organizations in the European countries where it has a presence. At one level, this self-segregation reflects the distinctively Turkish character of the movement. Indeed, outside of Turkey the movement appeals primarily to ethnic Turks. It is therefore not surprising that the movement’s influence and impact in Western Europe are highest in countries with sizeable Turkish communities, such as Germany and the Netherlands. To some extent, the Gülen movement also keeps its distance from other Turkish groups in Europe. In Germany, for example, the movement pursues a middle ground between two other major Turkish Islamic groups – the Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs (known by the Turkish acronym DITIB), an organization closely tied to the secular Turkish government, and the Islamist-leaning Millî Görü? organization.

The Gülen movement’s reluctance to join forces with other Muslim groups is not solely a case of self-segregation, however. It also reflects the movement’s commitment to the assimilation of Muslims into European society. While some Muslim groups encourage members and followers to emphasize their Islamic identity, the Gülen movement teaches that Muslims should work with and within the majority society.

Nevertheless also the report’s findings on other movements are important for the Dutch situation. I will quote the findings on the most relevant ones, focusing on the controversies surrounding the movements:
Muslim Brotherhood and Jama’ at-i Islami

The Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates often succeed in setting the public agenda for European Muslims more broadly. But this agenda may be changing. While many of the original Brotherhood-inspired organizations are still headed by the first generation of leaders – many of whom were born outside of Europe – the second and, in some cases, the third generation of leaders – mostly born in Europe – are coming to the fore. Many of the younger leaders are pressing for an agenda that focuses on the interests and needs of Muslims in particular European countries rather than on global Islamic causes, such as the Israeli-Palestinian dispute.

Although its agenda might be changing, the Muslim Brotherhood remains controversial in many parts of Western Europe. Many Europeans believe that some Brotherhood-affiliated organizations are promoting agendas that encourage their followers to think of themselves first and foremost as Muslims, thus hindering the assimilation of Muslims in Europe.21 There also has been some scrutiny of Brotherhood-linked figures in Europe who have made anti-Semitic remarks, made comments in support of suicide bombings in Israel or been involved in fundraising for groups linked to Hamas, the militant Palestinian Islamic group.22 Others have raised questions about the possible links between some Brotherhood-affiliated groups in the Middle East and global terrorists.23 For these reasons, the leaders of Brotherhood-affiliated groups in Europe may continue to face questions about the movement’s complicated history, even as they struggle to make their agenda relevant to new generations of Muslims.

Radical Islamist Movements: Jihadi Networks and Hizb ut-Tahrir

The influence of radical Islamist groups and movements has been felt throughout the broader Muslim community of Western Europe. The general climate of fear and insecurity prompted by recent terrorist attacks has resulted in considerable public scrutiny of European Muslims, including anti-terrorism initiatives that have raised civil rights concerns among many Muslims. Some radical groups, including Hizb ut-Tahrir, claim that these anti-terrorism policies represent evidence that Muslims will never be fully welcome in the West.

Sufi Orders

In the face of what is often experienced as an onslaught of competing and sometimes contradictory views on religion available through the Web and other new media channels, some Muslims have found that affiliation with a Sufi order offers an appealing alternative: a single, reliable source of information on Islam that comes with a personal spiritual guide.40 The new wave of enthusiasm for Islamic mysticism suggests that this tradition will continue to have a pervasive influence across Europe’s Muslim communities.

Networks of Religious Scholars – Al Qaradawi

Al-Qaradawi’s pragmatic approach to Islamic jurisprudence and his willingness to use various media outlets to spread his views have made him a popular figure with younger Muslims, particularly those living in Europe and North America. At the same time, some of his statements have made him a controversial figure in the West and led to him being banned from traveling to the U.K. since 2008. In a BBC interview, for example, he expressed his support for Palestinian suicide bombings in Israel, saying, “It’s not suicide, it is martyrdom in the name of God.”47

Prior to being banned from Britain, al-Qaradawi had used London as a platform to convene some of his global projects, such as the International Union of Muslim Scholars – an effort to combat the fragmentation of traditional religious authority by fostering a unified body of classically trained scholars speaking with a single voice on major religious and world issues.

Networks of Religious Scholars – New movement?

A New Kind of Islamic Movement?

For the most part, figures like Khaled and Naik do not have ties to established Islamic social or political movements. Indeed, some think their popularity speaks to a desire among Muslims in Europe – particularly young Muslims – to move away from what some people perceive as the rigid organizational hierarchies and highly politicized agendas of groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood and Hizb ut-Tahrir in favor of more pragmatic solutions to everyday problems.

There are also signs that younger generations of European Muslims are looking for a return to the doctrinal purity of “authentic” Islamic teachings based on classical scholarship. Indeed, this may help explain the recent upsurge of interest among young Muslims in Salafism – a highly conservative but generally apolitical school of Islamic thought that is frequently associated with religious influences emanating from Saudi Arabia.53 The theological influence of Salafism can be found in a number of Muslim groups, including the Muslim Brotherhood and the Tablighi Jama’at. But some scholars have argued that Salafism is influential enough in its own right that it should be regarded as Islam’s “new religious movement.”54

Notably absent from the networks of religious scholars are Tariq Ramadan, Mustafa Ceric (Grand Mufti of Bosnia) and Abdal Hakim Murad, a Cambridge University scholar because they did not create a network of institutions and media outlets to disseminate their ideas. One of the most important organisations in the Netherlands in the past was the Muslim World League (Rabita Al-Alam al-Islami, chaired in the past by Mohammed Cheppih) that has a strong Saudi connection.

Muslim World League and World Assembly of Muslim Youth

The influence of more established da’wa groups such as the League and the Assembly has also waned as new technologies have made it easier for other groups to reach wide audiences. Discussions about issues relevant to Muslims are increasingly taking place on the Web – in blogs and in social media outlets such as Facebook and Twitter. In many cases, those leading the discussions no longer seek or need the legitimacy that affiliation with a transnational organization such as the League or the Assembly once conferred. Even when European Muslims are seeking information on Saudi-style Islam, they can go to the websites of such high-profile scholars as Saudi cleric Salman al-Audah, the force behind the popular website islamtoday.com, and the late Nasiruddin al-Albani, rather than trying to obtain information from the League or the Assembly.

Although the Muslim World League and the World Assembly of Muslim Youth are less familiar to young Muslims in Europe today than they were a generation ago, these well-funded groups continue to exert substantial influence through their extensive outreach efforts and publishing networks. And while the two groups are no longer the sole purveyors of Saudi-style Islam to European audiences, they still represent an important infrastructure for propagating conservative religious views from the Middle East throughout Europe.

Another group that had considerable influence in the 1990s but I think less now is the Tablighi Jama’at:

Tablighi Jama’at

The Tablighi Jama’at (“Society for Spreading Faith”) is a global educational and missionary movement whose primary purpose is to encourage Muslims everywhere to be more religiously observant. It currently operates in roughly 150 countries around the world, including in Western Europe.

According to the teachings of the Tablighi Jama’at, the reformation of society is achieved through personal spiritual renewal. To this end, the group encourages its followers to undertake short-term preaching missions, known as khuruj, in order to reinforce the religious norms and practices that, in its view, underpin a moral society. These missions typically last from a few days to a few months.

The movement does not have a large formal membership. Instead, it is largely comprised of small groups of itinerant male preachers – usually no more than 10 per group – who travel, eat, sleep, wash and pray together and often observe strict regimens relating to dress and personal grooming. When these groups of lay preachers arrive in a new area, they reach out to Muslims of all social strata in an effort to remind them of the core teachings of the Prophet Muhammad and encourage them to attend mosque prayers and listen to sermons.

The Tablighi Jama’at is thought to be one of the world’s largest religious movements.[…]While most followers of the Tablighi Jama’at are primarily interested in matters of personal piety and spiritual self-renewal, some have been accused of having ties to radical networks. This concern has been raised from time to time since the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the U.S. by journalists, law enforcement personnel and national security policymakers in the West who say the group’s missionary activities and loose organizational structure can be exploited by radical elements.44 “Shoe bomber” Richard Reid, who in 2001 tried to set off a bomb on a commercial aircraft, and John Walker Lindh, the American citizen captured by U.S. forces with Taliban soldiers in Afghanistan in 2001, both spent time in Tablighi circles. And because the group has strong ties to Deobandi Islam, the same school of thought that informs the religious worldview of the Taliban, certain Tablighi Jama’at leaders from South Asia have been linked to some of the same networks as Taliban scholars.

For researchers the report probably does not provide much new information and understandings. For journalist and policy makers however it provides a balanced approach and should be regarded as compulsory reading.

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